hina’s Xi Jinping is one of the most interesting and—as authors Stefan Aust and Adrian Geiges anoint him—powerful figures in the world today. Aust and Geiges’ biography of Xi, kindly provided by Polity for review, is a far more complex portrait of the General Secretary of the Communist Party and President of China than most have likely encountered—despite the outsized influence and presence Xi has in geopolitics.
The story of Xi’s ascendancy is, in many ways, the story of modern China. He is the first general secretary born after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China. His father was a hero of the Communist revolution and ally of Mao Zedong, who was purged, but later rehabilitated. Despite ostensibly being a member of the “red nobility” and enjoying some of the associated perks, Xi worked his way up through the Chinese Communist Party ranks. In his early career, Xi worked in a remote village—living in a cave home. He served in a series of positions of increasing importance and seniority including as governor of Fujian province and later in Zhejiang province, where he was also party secretary. He managed to, in Aust and Geiges’ telling, also avoid falling prey to the cliques and factionalism associated with his predecessors Jiang Xemin and Hu Jinato.
The latter half of Aust and Geiges’ biography focuses on how Xi is executing his vision for the Party and the country. While Mao saw himself as a “Great Helmsman,” it is clear that Xi is aiming to chart China’s course into the 21st Century. COVID-driven (and largely self-imposed) disruptions notwithstanding, to many Beijing appears to be on a steady upward trajectory—its economy is rapidly expanding, its global ambitions touch every part of the globe (including the Arctic), and its influence felt economically, politically, and militarily. From 5G and the Belt and Road Initiative, to reabsorbing Taiwan and re-defining international institutions, Xi’s aims for China under the Party’s leadership are nothing less than remaking the global order.
Aust and Geiges also explore how Xi has crafted a cult of personality similar to—though distinct—from that of Mao Zedong. Xi has blended Confucianism with Chinese Communism, and created an environment similar to Louis XIV’s “L'etat c'est moi.” In November 2021, the Central Committee approved a “historical resolution” further validating and enshrining his power—similar to that of his predecessors Mao and Deng Xiaoping. It is abundantly clear that Xi sees himself on par with these two leaders.
Biographies are as often as much reflections of the authors themselves as they are the subjects. The lens through which the life of a famous (or infamous) individual is seen is inextricably linked to the author’s biases, beliefs, and worldview. This is certainly the case with Aust and Geiges. However, this is not a criticism, but in some ways a strength. Much of the English-language literature on China is presented from an American point-of-view. These often neglect Chinese-language primary sources (Rush Doshi’s “The Long Game” most certainly does not and is all the stronger for it) or fail to interrogate the assumptions that underpin the American perspective. This is not to say the view from Washington is wrong, but that interrogation is both necessary and strengthens the analysis.
Aust and Geiges, both German authors, bring a German viewpoint to their biography on Xi and China more broadly. This is as refreshing and thought-provoking, as it is challenges conventional Washington-driven perspectives. Germany does not share the Washington’s sense of the immediacy of the threat from Beijing. Whereas Washington is concerned about China’s power, Europe is concerned about its behaviors—such as intellectual property theft, hacking, and uneven trade agreements. This is reflected throughout the authors’ biography of Xi. There is an inherent skepticism of the fear of China and its rise, and—perhaps a touch too much—optimism about the potential for cooperation and coexistence.
It is interesting that two online book discussions hosted by Chinese-controlled Confucius Institutes were cancelled following pressure from the local Chinese consulate. Reading the authors’ biography of Xi, it is hard to tell what precisely the Chinese government would find objectionable. Almost any politician in Washington or London would welcome as fair and even-handed a treatment as Xi receives in Aust and Geiges telling. To be sure there are references to allegations of corruption within Xi’s extended family, discussions of internal party dynamics and disputes, commentary by dissident figures like Ai Weiwei, references to his temporary disappearance from public life, and touches of skepticism from the biographers themselves, but these are hardly the things that one would expect to result in the cancellation of events.
The increasing closing of ranks around Xi portends concerning trends for the future. On the one hand, the reactions to perceived slights expose a deep sensitivity. Beijing’s reaction to perceived slights or insults—or to interference in its internal affairs as was allegedly the case with Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan—seems more in line with a deeply insecure power than one on the rise. This perceived insecurity is fundamentally a risk to stable relations as insecure regimes are more prone to overreaction. In some ways these overreactions are welcomed by the United States as it shows Beijing in a far harsher light.
Cutting-off of discussions about the General Secretary also have a chilling effect on the broader eco-system of bilateral and diplomatic relations. How can the West gain insights into Xi’s thinking if the only information that comes out of Beijing are heavily sanitized and self-censored? This is something Richard McGregor explored in a recent Atlantic piece, writing that, “Without…opening up, we will have little opportunity to gain deep insight into the inner workings of Xi’s rule.” Similarly, how Xi will manage economic, demographic, and environmental challenges remains unknown. The machinations of the Chinese Communist Party and its forthcoming 20th Party Congress would be opaque at the best of times. However, Xi’s quashing of criticism and debate makes it impossible to see anything.
The consulate’s actions also reflect the extraterritoriality of this sensitivity and its infection of global relations. As Clive Hamilton and Mareike Ohlberg detail “Hidden Hand”, there are numerous stories of how Beijing has sought to quash dissent abroad, suppress dissident movements, stifle debate, and prevent any criticism of Xi or the Chinese Communist Party. This leads to premature self-censorship and tailoring of messages and narratives to ostensibly fit what the West thinks will mollify Beijing. While Erich Schwartzel’s “Red Carpet” explores this in-depth, it was most recently illustrated in Beijing’s changing the ending of the latest Minions movie. Who would have thought the absurdly babbling yellow creatures would pose a threat to the Chinese Communist Party?
Aust and Geiges are to be commended for crafting an accessible and balanced a biography of Xi. Xi, an already interesting and influential figure, becomes even more so after reading their breezy, but detailed, narrative. There remain innumerable questions about Xi, questions that one suspects may not be easily answered with the rising tide of secrecy surrounding his leadership. How will Xi manage the increasingly turbulent geopolitical and economic seas? Will Beijing, under Xi, take a more interventionist role? How will Xi manage friction with the United States and will he use his cult of personality see his leadership through potential crises? In the end, what Xi means for, and how he will handle, the future is unclear.
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The ‘Great Helmsman’ of China’s 21st Century
Photo by Gigi via Unsplash.
October 1, 2022
China’s Xi Jinping is one of the most interesting and—as Stefan Aust and Adrian Geiges anoint him in their biography—powerful figures in the world today. In his latest book review, Joshua Huminski explores this biography of China’s 21st-century leader.
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hina’s Xi Jinping is one of the most interesting and—as authors Stefan Aust and Adrian Geiges anoint him—powerful figures in the world today. Aust and Geiges’ biography of Xi, kindly provided by Polity for review, is a far more complex portrait of the General Secretary of the Communist Party and President of China than most have likely encountered—despite the outsized influence and presence Xi has in geopolitics.
The story of Xi’s ascendancy is, in many ways, the story of modern China. He is the first general secretary born after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China. His father was a hero of the Communist revolution and ally of Mao Zedong, who was purged, but later rehabilitated. Despite ostensibly being a member of the “red nobility” and enjoying some of the associated perks, Xi worked his way up through the Chinese Communist Party ranks. In his early career, Xi worked in a remote village—living in a cave home. He served in a series of positions of increasing importance and seniority including as governor of Fujian province and later in Zhejiang province, where he was also party secretary. He managed to, in Aust and Geiges’ telling, also avoid falling prey to the cliques and factionalism associated with his predecessors Jiang Xemin and Hu Jinato.
The latter half of Aust and Geiges’ biography focuses on how Xi is executing his vision for the Party and the country. While Mao saw himself as a “Great Helmsman,” it is clear that Xi is aiming to chart China’s course into the 21st Century. COVID-driven (and largely self-imposed) disruptions notwithstanding, to many Beijing appears to be on a steady upward trajectory—its economy is rapidly expanding, its global ambitions touch every part of the globe (including the Arctic), and its influence felt economically, politically, and militarily. From 5G and the Belt and Road Initiative, to reabsorbing Taiwan and re-defining international institutions, Xi’s aims for China under the Party’s leadership are nothing less than remaking the global order.
Aust and Geiges also explore how Xi has crafted a cult of personality similar to—though distinct—from that of Mao Zedong. Xi has blended Confucianism with Chinese Communism, and created an environment similar to Louis XIV’s “L'etat c'est moi.” In November 2021, the Central Committee approved a “historical resolution” further validating and enshrining his power—similar to that of his predecessors Mao and Deng Xiaoping. It is abundantly clear that Xi sees himself on par with these two leaders.
Biographies are as often as much reflections of the authors themselves as they are the subjects. The lens through which the life of a famous (or infamous) individual is seen is inextricably linked to the author’s biases, beliefs, and worldview. This is certainly the case with Aust and Geiges. However, this is not a criticism, but in some ways a strength. Much of the English-language literature on China is presented from an American point-of-view. These often neglect Chinese-language primary sources (Rush Doshi’s “The Long Game” most certainly does not and is all the stronger for it) or fail to interrogate the assumptions that underpin the American perspective. This is not to say the view from Washington is wrong, but that interrogation is both necessary and strengthens the analysis.
Aust and Geiges, both German authors, bring a German viewpoint to their biography on Xi and China more broadly. This is as refreshing and thought-provoking, as it is challenges conventional Washington-driven perspectives. Germany does not share the Washington’s sense of the immediacy of the threat from Beijing. Whereas Washington is concerned about China’s power, Europe is concerned about its behaviors—such as intellectual property theft, hacking, and uneven trade agreements. This is reflected throughout the authors’ biography of Xi. There is an inherent skepticism of the fear of China and its rise, and—perhaps a touch too much—optimism about the potential for cooperation and coexistence.
It is interesting that two online book discussions hosted by Chinese-controlled Confucius Institutes were cancelled following pressure from the local Chinese consulate. Reading the authors’ biography of Xi, it is hard to tell what precisely the Chinese government would find objectionable. Almost any politician in Washington or London would welcome as fair and even-handed a treatment as Xi receives in Aust and Geiges telling. To be sure there are references to allegations of corruption within Xi’s extended family, discussions of internal party dynamics and disputes, commentary by dissident figures like Ai Weiwei, references to his temporary disappearance from public life, and touches of skepticism from the biographers themselves, but these are hardly the things that one would expect to result in the cancellation of events.
The increasing closing of ranks around Xi portends concerning trends for the future. On the one hand, the reactions to perceived slights expose a deep sensitivity. Beijing’s reaction to perceived slights or insults—or to interference in its internal affairs as was allegedly the case with Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan—seems more in line with a deeply insecure power than one on the rise. This perceived insecurity is fundamentally a risk to stable relations as insecure regimes are more prone to overreaction. In some ways these overreactions are welcomed by the United States as it shows Beijing in a far harsher light.
Cutting-off of discussions about the General Secretary also have a chilling effect on the broader eco-system of bilateral and diplomatic relations. How can the West gain insights into Xi’s thinking if the only information that comes out of Beijing are heavily sanitized and self-censored? This is something Richard McGregor explored in a recent Atlantic piece, writing that, “Without…opening up, we will have little opportunity to gain deep insight into the inner workings of Xi’s rule.” Similarly, how Xi will manage economic, demographic, and environmental challenges remains unknown. The machinations of the Chinese Communist Party and its forthcoming 20th Party Congress would be opaque at the best of times. However, Xi’s quashing of criticism and debate makes it impossible to see anything.
The consulate’s actions also reflect the extraterritoriality of this sensitivity and its infection of global relations. As Clive Hamilton and Mareike Ohlberg detail “Hidden Hand”, there are numerous stories of how Beijing has sought to quash dissent abroad, suppress dissident movements, stifle debate, and prevent any criticism of Xi or the Chinese Communist Party. This leads to premature self-censorship and tailoring of messages and narratives to ostensibly fit what the West thinks will mollify Beijing. While Erich Schwartzel’s “Red Carpet” explores this in-depth, it was most recently illustrated in Beijing’s changing the ending of the latest Minions movie. Who would have thought the absurdly babbling yellow creatures would pose a threat to the Chinese Communist Party?
Aust and Geiges are to be commended for crafting an accessible and balanced a biography of Xi. Xi, an already interesting and influential figure, becomes even more so after reading their breezy, but detailed, narrative. There remain innumerable questions about Xi, questions that one suspects may not be easily answered with the rising tide of secrecy surrounding his leadership. How will Xi manage the increasingly turbulent geopolitical and economic seas? Will Beijing, under Xi, take a more interventionist role? How will Xi manage friction with the United States and will he use his cult of personality see his leadership through potential crises? In the end, what Xi means for, and how he will handle, the future is unclear.
