.
On April 24, 2016, Serbian citizens went to the polls in early elections called by Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić. Thought to have been called in order to solidify political power, Vučić’s Progressive Party (SNS) won about 50 percent of the vote, earning 131 of the 250 seats up for grabs in the parliament, which Balkan Insight notes is an absolute majority and the BBC commented has “a distinctly ‘90s feel.”
In second, with 11 percent of the vote, was the Socialist Party (SPS). Third, ultra-nationalist Vojislav Šešelj’s anti-European Union, anti-NATO Serbian Radical Party (SRS) gained around 7 percent of the vote. Šešelj was recently acquitted of crimes in the ICTY and has been vocal against Serbia’s EU membership aspirations, calling for a closer relationship with Russia. Coming in fourth was the Democratic Party (DS) who received about 6 percent. Former President Boris Tadić’s coalition SDS-LDP-LSV barely overcame the necessary percentage to enter the government at around 5 percent. Several other parties also passed the 5 percent threshold, including the parties Dosta je bilo (Enough is Enough) and the coalition of Dveri and the Serbian Democratic Party.
Balkan Insight reported that out of 7 million voters, 55 percent turned out to cast their ballots. They also note that in Kosovo approximately 40 percent of eligible voters turned out to participate in the Serbian elections. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe monitored the voting in the Serb-populated areas of Kosovo. Balkan Insight also reported that the election-monitoring group CRTA found some voting irregularities with some people casting their vote twice and individuals documenting who had voted. Opposition parties complained about the irregularities but election monitors found that the vote was mostly lawful. There were also criticisms made against noted Serbian voting watchdog CeSID, who many had hailed as unbiased observer for years, that the organization had exaggerated the results of the elections in favor of SNS.
Many citizens openly voiced displeasure at the current government, whose politicians will remain at the helm of Serbian politics. In conversations with people over the past couple of months, I often heard about the disappointment of the Serbian political system—from taxi drivers to close friends, as someone living in Belgrade, I have not heard a positive discussion about the government, the ruling politicians. The one positive came from a friend who spoke about Šešelj’s campaign posters: They were at least the most environmentally friendly since it was just a small poster with “Šešelj” written in Cyrillic script.
But now that Vučić has four more years, what’s next for the country?
Though Politico’s Vince Chadwick argued that the election was called early to ensure Serbia is able to meet the demands of EU membership, many dispute this. Besnik Pula recently published a piece in Foreign Policy on the rise of autocratic leadership in the Balkans. Noting that Vučić was a former ally of Slobodan Milošević, he writes that though Serbia’s government has been adamant about their desire for EU accession, they have also been weary of alienating Russia. After the election, for instance, Vučić reiterated this point calling his party’s win as movement toward the EU while also respecting Serbia’s Eastern partners.
The Associated Press also has reported on Vučić’s power grabs. Jovana Gec writes, “the 46-year-old faces accusations at home of creating a one-man rule in the style of Russia’s President Vladimir Putin.” Gec quotes Dragoljub Zarković of the weekly newspaper, Vreme, “He has taken over the entire (political) scene” — a view that creeps into many political conversation in Belgrade. I continue to hear comments about people turning on their TVs only to see and hear Vučić. The night before the election, as I walked through downtown Belgrade, I heard spontaneous (and homophobic) chants of “Vučić is a faggot!”
However, Vučić still remains a popular politician throughout the country, which is how his party still maintains power. Part of the draw of SNS comes from the positioning of Vučić: Supportive of EU membership, yet cautious enough to also keep warm relations with Russia. This appeases Serbia’s citizens enough to gain votes.
The strong anti-NATO sentiments are also now at play in the country that was bombed in 1999 by NATO forces. Serbia has entered into strong cooperations with NATO, which has caused several protests with participants in the thousands. This includes criticism from Šešelj, who publicly burned both the EU and NATO flags in March. On March 24th, several thousand protesters rallied against the partnership that intensified in February, the conviction of Radovan Karadžić, as well as in commemoration of the start of the NATO bombings.
Time will only tell what Vučić’s leadership has in store for the country until the next elections.
The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.
a global affairs media network
Ruling Party Remains in Power After Serbian Elections: What Comes Next?
Black male holding flag. Voting concept - Serbia
April 29, 2016
On April 24, 2016, Serbian citizens went to the polls in early elections called by Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić. Thought to have been called in order to solidify political power, Vučić’s Progressive Party (SNS) won about 50 percent of the vote, earning 131 of the 250 seats up for grabs in the parliament, which Balkan Insight notes is an absolute majority and the BBC commented has “a distinctly ‘90s feel.”
In second, with 11 percent of the vote, was the Socialist Party (SPS). Third, ultra-nationalist Vojislav Šešelj’s anti-European Union, anti-NATO Serbian Radical Party (SRS) gained around 7 percent of the vote. Šešelj was recently acquitted of crimes in the ICTY and has been vocal against Serbia’s EU membership aspirations, calling for a closer relationship with Russia. Coming in fourth was the Democratic Party (DS) who received about 6 percent. Former President Boris Tadić’s coalition SDS-LDP-LSV barely overcame the necessary percentage to enter the government at around 5 percent. Several other parties also passed the 5 percent threshold, including the parties Dosta je bilo (Enough is Enough) and the coalition of Dveri and the Serbian Democratic Party.
Balkan Insight reported that out of 7 million voters, 55 percent turned out to cast their ballots. They also note that in Kosovo approximately 40 percent of eligible voters turned out to participate in the Serbian elections. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe monitored the voting in the Serb-populated areas of Kosovo. Balkan Insight also reported that the election-monitoring group CRTA found some voting irregularities with some people casting their vote twice and individuals documenting who had voted. Opposition parties complained about the irregularities but election monitors found that the vote was mostly lawful. There were also criticisms made against noted Serbian voting watchdog CeSID, who many had hailed as unbiased observer for years, that the organization had exaggerated the results of the elections in favor of SNS.
Many citizens openly voiced displeasure at the current government, whose politicians will remain at the helm of Serbian politics. In conversations with people over the past couple of months, I often heard about the disappointment of the Serbian political system—from taxi drivers to close friends, as someone living in Belgrade, I have not heard a positive discussion about the government, the ruling politicians. The one positive came from a friend who spoke about Šešelj’s campaign posters: They were at least the most environmentally friendly since it was just a small poster with “Šešelj” written in Cyrillic script.
But now that Vučić has four more years, what’s next for the country?
Though Politico’s Vince Chadwick argued that the election was called early to ensure Serbia is able to meet the demands of EU membership, many dispute this. Besnik Pula recently published a piece in Foreign Policy on the rise of autocratic leadership in the Balkans. Noting that Vučić was a former ally of Slobodan Milošević, he writes that though Serbia’s government has been adamant about their desire for EU accession, they have also been weary of alienating Russia. After the election, for instance, Vučić reiterated this point calling his party’s win as movement toward the EU while also respecting Serbia’s Eastern partners.
The Associated Press also has reported on Vučić’s power grabs. Jovana Gec writes, “the 46-year-old faces accusations at home of creating a one-man rule in the style of Russia’s President Vladimir Putin.” Gec quotes Dragoljub Zarković of the weekly newspaper, Vreme, “He has taken over the entire (political) scene” — a view that creeps into many political conversation in Belgrade. I continue to hear comments about people turning on their TVs only to see and hear Vučić. The night before the election, as I walked through downtown Belgrade, I heard spontaneous (and homophobic) chants of “Vučić is a faggot!”
However, Vučić still remains a popular politician throughout the country, which is how his party still maintains power. Part of the draw of SNS comes from the positioning of Vučić: Supportive of EU membership, yet cautious enough to also keep warm relations with Russia. This appeases Serbia’s citizens enough to gain votes.
The strong anti-NATO sentiments are also now at play in the country that was bombed in 1999 by NATO forces. Serbia has entered into strong cooperations with NATO, which has caused several protests with participants in the thousands. This includes criticism from Šešelj, who publicly burned both the EU and NATO flags in March. On March 24th, several thousand protesters rallied against the partnership that intensified in February, the conviction of Radovan Karadžić, as well as in commemoration of the start of the NATO bombings.
Time will only tell what Vučić’s leadership has in store for the country until the next elections.
The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.
