mid Russia’s isolation from the West, the Kremlin aims to preserve the impression that it still has friends all over the world. Russian leadership seeks to increase economic and political ties with African and Asian countries, although there is no guarantee that Russian efforts to shift its foreign policy vector southward and eastward will be as fruitful as Moscow might hope.
In an attempt to improve its positions in the global arena, Russian President Vladimir Putin recently hosted leaders of Algeria and the United Arab Emirates at the annual St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF). In the past, Russia used the event to project its economic power and image as a participant in the global economy. But after the West imposed sanctions on Moscow, following its invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, the Kremlin was forced to significantly change the list of the SPIEF participants. This year, no Western journalists and officials participated in the “Russian Davos,” and even Russia’s nominal allies—Belarus and Kazakhstan—ignored the event.
Instead, Putin’s major guests were Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, as well as the UAE leader, Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. Prior to the summit, Putin and Tebboune signed a “Declaration of Deep Partnership” between the two countries, which indicates that the Kremlin aims to increase all forms of cooperation with the North African nation.
It is not a secret that Russia’s energy giant Gazprom is one of the major foreign corporations operating in Algeria. Just days after the SPIEF, the president and CEO of the Algerian energy group Sonatrach, Toufik Hakkar, said that the extraction of two hydrocarbon fields southeast of Hassi Messaoud (in the central-eastern Algeria’s province of Ouargla), will start in 2028 in cooperation with Gazprom. According to Hakkar, the investment is worth approximately $1billion. In February 2022, Gazprom and Sonatrach announced the beginning of the construction and development phase at the El Assel gas field in eastern Algeria, with the gas production at the site expected to begin in 2025.
Given that energy is one of the major drivers of Russia’s foreign policy, the Kremlin will almost certainly tend to strengthen economic and political ties with the North African country. Algeria ranks third after Egypt and Morocco among Russia's leading trading partners in Africa. It is also the third biggest importer of Russian weapons after China and India.
“Thanks to the support of the Russian Federation, which provides us with weapons, we maintain our independence in these difficult conditions,” Tebbun stressed, sitting next to Putin at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum
Unlike the Algerian leader, Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed—despite the UAE being the “guest of honor” at SPIEF—reportedly refused to participate in the forum’s plenary sessions. Instead, he reiterated the UAE’s position on the “de-escalation and the necessity for a negotiated political solution to the crisis in Ukraine.” In other words, bin Zayed likely aims to preserve his country’s neutral position regarding the war in Ukraine.
Indeed, Abu Dhabi has not joined Western sanctions against Moscow, and has managed to preserve good relations with Kyiv. A couple of days before bin Zayed flew to Russia, his Minister of Climate Change and the Environment, Mariam bint Mohammed Almheiri, went to Ukraine to meet with the country’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, to discuss humanitarian assistance the UAE intends to continue providing to the Eastern European nation.
At the same time, Abu Dhabi seeks to strengthen economic cooperation with Moscow. According to Russian Deputy Prime Minister/Industry and Trade Minister Denis Manturov, bilateral trade between the Russian Federation and the United Arab Emirates increased by 68% in 2022. Reports suggest that the UAE has become the new hub for the Russian gold trade. In 2022, the Gulf state imported 75.7 tons of Russian gold worth $4.3 billion, compared with just 1.3 tons in 2021. Moreover, Russian oligarchs evading sanctions have reportedly found a safe haven in the UAE—a country that has mediated the release of American basketball player Brittney Griner in exchange for imprisoned Russian arms dealer Victor Bout in December 2022.
Thus, despite the fact that the United Arab Emirates hosts some 5,000 American troops in Al Dhafra air base outside its capital Abu Dhabi, the Gulf state will undoubtedly continue balancing its economic cooperation with Russia with its alliance with the United States. The Kremlin, for its part, is expected to continue attempting to preserve remnants of its influence not only in the Arab world, but also in Africa.
In July, in St. Petersburg, Putin is scheduled to host the second Russia-Africa summit, an event that will represent yet another opportunity for the Kremlin to show that Russia might be isolated from the West, but apparently not from the rest of the world. That is why he said on 20 March 2023 that ties with Africa remain Moscow’s priority. However, the Russian president’s recent meeting with leaders of Comoros, Congo Republic, Egypt, Senegal, South Africa, Uganda, and Zambia, has clearly demonstrated that Moscow cannot count on their political support regarding the war in Ukraine.
The seven African nations’ peace initiative proposed a pull-back of Russian troops, as well as removal of tactical nuclear weapons from Belarus. The implementation of such a proposal would represent Russia’s de facto capitulation, which is why Putin rejected the African peace plan.
Therefore, despite hosting leaders from African and Asian nations, Russia remains on its own when it comes to the war in Ukraine. Under the current geopolitical circumstances, Moscow might be able to strengthen economic ties with certain non-Western actors, although politically very few countries seem ready to openly side with the Kremlin.
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Will Russia's Pivot to Asia and Africa Really Work?
St. Petersburg, Russia, which will host the second Russia-Africa summit in July. Image by Peter H from Pixabay.
June 26, 2023
With Russia's isolation from the West after its invasion of Ukraine, the Kremlin is courting closer relationships with African and Asian governments. While Russia has experienced some success, it has yet to prove it can retain or even grow its influence in Africa and Asia, writes Nikola Mikovic.
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mid Russia’s isolation from the West, the Kremlin aims to preserve the impression that it still has friends all over the world. Russian leadership seeks to increase economic and political ties with African and Asian countries, although there is no guarantee that Russian efforts to shift its foreign policy vector southward and eastward will be as fruitful as Moscow might hope.
In an attempt to improve its positions in the global arena, Russian President Vladimir Putin recently hosted leaders of Algeria and the United Arab Emirates at the annual St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF). In the past, Russia used the event to project its economic power and image as a participant in the global economy. But after the West imposed sanctions on Moscow, following its invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, the Kremlin was forced to significantly change the list of the SPIEF participants. This year, no Western journalists and officials participated in the “Russian Davos,” and even Russia’s nominal allies—Belarus and Kazakhstan—ignored the event.
Instead, Putin’s major guests were Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, as well as the UAE leader, Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. Prior to the summit, Putin and Tebboune signed a “Declaration of Deep Partnership” between the two countries, which indicates that the Kremlin aims to increase all forms of cooperation with the North African nation.
It is not a secret that Russia’s energy giant Gazprom is one of the major foreign corporations operating in Algeria. Just days after the SPIEF, the president and CEO of the Algerian energy group Sonatrach, Toufik Hakkar, said that the extraction of two hydrocarbon fields southeast of Hassi Messaoud (in the central-eastern Algeria’s province of Ouargla), will start in 2028 in cooperation with Gazprom. According to Hakkar, the investment is worth approximately $1billion. In February 2022, Gazprom and Sonatrach announced the beginning of the construction and development phase at the El Assel gas field in eastern Algeria, with the gas production at the site expected to begin in 2025.
Given that energy is one of the major drivers of Russia’s foreign policy, the Kremlin will almost certainly tend to strengthen economic and political ties with the North African country. Algeria ranks third after Egypt and Morocco among Russia's leading trading partners in Africa. It is also the third biggest importer of Russian weapons after China and India.
“Thanks to the support of the Russian Federation, which provides us with weapons, we maintain our independence in these difficult conditions,” Tebbun stressed, sitting next to Putin at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum
Unlike the Algerian leader, Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed—despite the UAE being the “guest of honor” at SPIEF—reportedly refused to participate in the forum’s plenary sessions. Instead, he reiterated the UAE’s position on the “de-escalation and the necessity for a negotiated political solution to the crisis in Ukraine.” In other words, bin Zayed likely aims to preserve his country’s neutral position regarding the war in Ukraine.
Indeed, Abu Dhabi has not joined Western sanctions against Moscow, and has managed to preserve good relations with Kyiv. A couple of days before bin Zayed flew to Russia, his Minister of Climate Change and the Environment, Mariam bint Mohammed Almheiri, went to Ukraine to meet with the country’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, to discuss humanitarian assistance the UAE intends to continue providing to the Eastern European nation.
At the same time, Abu Dhabi seeks to strengthen economic cooperation with Moscow. According to Russian Deputy Prime Minister/Industry and Trade Minister Denis Manturov, bilateral trade between the Russian Federation and the United Arab Emirates increased by 68% in 2022. Reports suggest that the UAE has become the new hub for the Russian gold trade. In 2022, the Gulf state imported 75.7 tons of Russian gold worth $4.3 billion, compared with just 1.3 tons in 2021. Moreover, Russian oligarchs evading sanctions have reportedly found a safe haven in the UAE—a country that has mediated the release of American basketball player Brittney Griner in exchange for imprisoned Russian arms dealer Victor Bout in December 2022.
Thus, despite the fact that the United Arab Emirates hosts some 5,000 American troops in Al Dhafra air base outside its capital Abu Dhabi, the Gulf state will undoubtedly continue balancing its economic cooperation with Russia with its alliance with the United States. The Kremlin, for its part, is expected to continue attempting to preserve remnants of its influence not only in the Arab world, but also in Africa.
In July, in St. Petersburg, Putin is scheduled to host the second Russia-Africa summit, an event that will represent yet another opportunity for the Kremlin to show that Russia might be isolated from the West, but apparently not from the rest of the world. That is why he said on 20 March 2023 that ties with Africa remain Moscow’s priority. However, the Russian president’s recent meeting with leaders of Comoros, Congo Republic, Egypt, Senegal, South Africa, Uganda, and Zambia, has clearly demonstrated that Moscow cannot count on their political support regarding the war in Ukraine.
The seven African nations’ peace initiative proposed a pull-back of Russian troops, as well as removal of tactical nuclear weapons from Belarus. The implementation of such a proposal would represent Russia’s de facto capitulation, which is why Putin rejected the African peace plan.
Therefore, despite hosting leaders from African and Asian nations, Russia remains on its own when it comes to the war in Ukraine. Under the current geopolitical circumstances, Moscow might be able to strengthen economic ties with certain non-Western actors, although politically very few countries seem ready to openly side with the Kremlin.
