merican President Joe Biden has approached a wide variety of issues within his first month in office. A few hours into the job, Biden rescinded the Trump-era ban on immigration from several Muslim-majority countries and rejoined both the Paris climate accord as well as the World Health Organization (WHO). Less than one week into the job, Biden amped up his previous goal of distributing about 1 million to 1.5 million vaccines a day. And in his plans to address an American economy restricted by the impact of the coronavirus pandemic, Biden is working to achieve congressional approval for a $1.9 trillion stimulus package designed to revive American markets.
Though Biden has ambitious goals for the U.S. laid out in many of his early policy initiatives, the economy is one area where the president’s approach stands out because of its proximity to his climate change agenda. Rather than limit his climate agenda to a handful of bills that may or may not earn congressional approval, Biden is hoping to “make his economic recovery green” and marry the two priorities into the same policies. “When I think about climate change, the word I think of is ‘jobs,’” Biden has said when commenting on the topic in public speeches.
Jobs have indeed taken front-and-center within Biden’s economic planning. The president’s economic agenda, which became known during his campaign as his Build Back Better initiative, features a surprisingly strong focus on American manufacturing jobs. Such a stance is surprising of Biden, whose political coming-of-age took place during an era heavily focused on deregulation and free trade. However, as China’s influence and economic power has grown, economic nationalism has entered the Overton Window in U.S. policy circles, becoming an acceptable goal with support on both sides of the aisle. Biden’s economic policy goals, which include $400 billion in government funding for American-made equipment and hundreds of billions in subsides to support “the making and purchase of domestic products,” are no longer entirely shocking suggestions from a center-left politician.
A strong focus on American manufacturing, however, could distract the Biden administration from immediately addressing climate change. Industrial activity in and of itself is one of the largest contributes to greenhouse gas emissions; for example, the industries which manufacture metals, wood and paper products, and chemicals all exhibit high levels of water use. However, Biden’s plans are unique in that he hopes to use American manufacturing to work against climate change. Inspired by a report released by the United Automobile Workers union, the American president is hoping use government investment to provide workers well-paying jobs manufacturing electric vehicles. Additionally, Biden hopes to bring green energy production home, creating jobs in sectors like wind turbine manufacturing that might otherwise be ceded to energy producers abroad.
Elements of Biden’s environmental agenda, however, have already come into conflict with his new “workers’ first” mentality. The president cancelled the Keystone XL Pipeline project his first day in office, and, according to Alberta premier Jason Kenney, cut jobs on both sides of the U.S./Canada border. Though an analysis in the Austin-American Statesmen found that most of the American jobs that were going to be created by the Keystone project were temporary anyway, many were outraged by Biden’s decision and its potential impact on the working class.
In future years, labor unions might present a challenge to Biden’s goal of achieving completely clean electricity and net-zero emissions by within the next 30 years. Environmental groups are hoping that Biden will “go big on renewable energy with unions,” but some worry that such proposals might pose a threat to organized labor, since renewable energy currently hosts fewer union jobs.
Ultimately, the next four years will reveal how well the Biden administration is able to intertwine its ambitious economic and environmental goals. At best, his policy strategy might give the U.S. the opportunity to seriously focus on climate change by making environmental goals economic priorities. At worst, the Biden strategy might result in compromising climate goals in order to revitalize a manufacturing sector which other presidents have failed to restore. The next four years under Biden’s guide will serve as a guideline for future world leaders hoping to adopt the same strategy to address climate change abroad.
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An Economic Plan for the Environment
February 25, 2021
A
merican President Joe Biden has approached a wide variety of issues within his first month in office. A few hours into the job, Biden rescinded the Trump-era ban on immigration from several Muslim-majority countries and rejoined both the Paris climate accord as well as the World Health Organization (WHO). Less than one week into the job, Biden amped up his previous goal of distributing about 1 million to 1.5 million vaccines a day. And in his plans to address an American economy restricted by the impact of the coronavirus pandemic, Biden is working to achieve congressional approval for a $1.9 trillion stimulus package designed to revive American markets.
Though Biden has ambitious goals for the U.S. laid out in many of his early policy initiatives, the economy is one area where the president’s approach stands out because of its proximity to his climate change agenda. Rather than limit his climate agenda to a handful of bills that may or may not earn congressional approval, Biden is hoping to “make his economic recovery green” and marry the two priorities into the same policies. “When I think about climate change, the word I think of is ‘jobs,’” Biden has said when commenting on the topic in public speeches.
Jobs have indeed taken front-and-center within Biden’s economic planning. The president’s economic agenda, which became known during his campaign as his Build Back Better initiative, features a surprisingly strong focus on American manufacturing jobs. Such a stance is surprising of Biden, whose political coming-of-age took place during an era heavily focused on deregulation and free trade. However, as China’s influence and economic power has grown, economic nationalism has entered the Overton Window in U.S. policy circles, becoming an acceptable goal with support on both sides of the aisle. Biden’s economic policy goals, which include $400 billion in government funding for American-made equipment and hundreds of billions in subsides to support “the making and purchase of domestic products,” are no longer entirely shocking suggestions from a center-left politician.
A strong focus on American manufacturing, however, could distract the Biden administration from immediately addressing climate change. Industrial activity in and of itself is one of the largest contributes to greenhouse gas emissions; for example, the industries which manufacture metals, wood and paper products, and chemicals all exhibit high levels of water use. However, Biden’s plans are unique in that he hopes to use American manufacturing to work against climate change. Inspired by a report released by the United Automobile Workers union, the American president is hoping use government investment to provide workers well-paying jobs manufacturing electric vehicles. Additionally, Biden hopes to bring green energy production home, creating jobs in sectors like wind turbine manufacturing that might otherwise be ceded to energy producers abroad.
Elements of Biden’s environmental agenda, however, have already come into conflict with his new “workers’ first” mentality. The president cancelled the Keystone XL Pipeline project his first day in office, and, according to Alberta premier Jason Kenney, cut jobs on both sides of the U.S./Canada border. Though an analysis in the Austin-American Statesmen found that most of the American jobs that were going to be created by the Keystone project were temporary anyway, many were outraged by Biden’s decision and its potential impact on the working class.
In future years, labor unions might present a challenge to Biden’s goal of achieving completely clean electricity and net-zero emissions by within the next 30 years. Environmental groups are hoping that Biden will “go big on renewable energy with unions,” but some worry that such proposals might pose a threat to organized labor, since renewable energy currently hosts fewer union jobs.
Ultimately, the next four years will reveal how well the Biden administration is able to intertwine its ambitious economic and environmental goals. At best, his policy strategy might give the U.S. the opportunity to seriously focus on climate change by making environmental goals economic priorities. At worst, the Biden strategy might result in compromising climate goals in order to revitalize a manufacturing sector which other presidents have failed to restore. The next four years under Biden’s guide will serve as a guideline for future world leaders hoping to adopt the same strategy to address climate change abroad.
