he tactics used on and in the lead up to the insurrection on 06 January 2021 showcased a threat to democracy in the United States and evolving tactics used by undemocratic forces across the globe. The legitimization of these practices by many in the U.S. is troubling as these strategies are being mirrored by other countries in the Americas—adapting them to their own specific national contexts. Efforts to thwart democratic elections and transitions of power are becoming more common and evolving across the Americas.
While the violence of 06 January should be seared into the U.S. collective memory, efforts to overturn the results of the 2020 U.S. presidential election go beyond the violence of the day itself. Well before the election, there were efforts to undermine faith in the electoral system through mis– and dis–information campaigns. Once the election occurred and it was evident that Trump had lost, he sought to use his position and those of other officials to overturn the election results—arguing both that states should not ratify the results and put forward their own electors. This escalated to violence on 06 January as these claims were thwarted and efforts to have congress change the election results failed. It is worth noting that Democrats are not completely blameless in contemplating tactics to overturn electoral results—with some pushing to shift the 2016 election by encouraging “Hamilton Electors” to choose an alternative to Donald Trump.
The Americas are learning from 06 January
These efforts to undermine electoral integrity and prevent the transition of power may differ from traditional coup d’états—which have declined in the region—yet represent a troubling threat to democracy—one that is being embraced across the Americas. Almost exactly two years after 06 January, Brazil experienced a strikingly similar scene to those seen in the U.S. with Jair Bolsonaro’s supporters taking over Federal offices on 08 January 2023, in protest of the election of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. As in the U.S., Bolsonaro spent much of the campaign undermining faith in the electoral system and polarizing the electorate.
In January 2024, there was yet another attempt to overturn the results of a democratic election in the Americas, this time in Guatemala. While the international and regional community—as well as the United States—played an important role in pressuring Guatemalan elites to accept the election results and go through with the transition of power, elections in Guatemala faced challenges that threatened the country’s democracy. Efforts to undermine the electoral process began well before the elections—with assaults on the freedom of the press, bans of different opposition candidates, and systemic levels of corruption. Following the surprising electoral victory of Bernardo Arévalo, the political system turned against the president elect—seeking to annul the results of the election and ban his party from taking office. As inauguration day arrived, congress attempted to halt the inauguration by changing who was recognized within congress—an eerie parallel to efforts to block the ratification of the U.S. presidency. It was not till late that congress moved forward with the election results, allowing Arévalo to be sworn in as president.
Defending democracy
While tactics to overturn legitimate democratic elections are only one tool being used by would–be autocrats, they are rapidly becoming more common. To combat the spread of undemocratic practices, there are a number of actions that can be taken. First, it is important to recognize that would–be autocrats learn from the experiences of others and the tactics used in one country are often translated into other national realities. Thus, combating these tactics everywhere is critical. This should occur from voices across the political spectrum—regardless of whether the perpetrator is viewed as a political ally or not—both in domestic and international cases. To support these calls, leaders should lean into and leverage regional and international organizations, many of which have mechanisms to defend democracy—as is the case of the Organization of American States within the Americas. Furthermore, to prevent the spread of misinformation, authoritative voices—from multilateral, domestic, and non–governmental organizations—must clearly articulate electoral rules and results so as to mitigate efforts to throw uncertainty on elections. The courts also play a critical role and should set the precedent of throwing out cases that seek to delegitimize the results of elections.
Threats to democracy go beyond a domestic challenge. Undemocratic forces learn from the tactics used in other countries and translate them to their specific domestic contexts. With increasing challenges to inaugurations and misinformation campaigns, simply monitoring elections is no longer enough to ensure free and fair elections. Protecting the will of the people must continue throughout the election cycle and beyond by developing new tools for democracy promotion to address the evolving threat.
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The rise of inauguration interference in the Americas
Photo by Ian Hutchinson on Unsplash.
February 21, 2024
Efforts to undermine electoral integrity and prevent the transition of power, such as those after the 2020 U.S. election, may differ from traditional coup d’états, yet represent a troubling threat to democracy—one that is being embraced across the Americas, writes Adam Ratzlaff.
T
he tactics used on and in the lead up to the insurrection on 06 January 2021 showcased a threat to democracy in the United States and evolving tactics used by undemocratic forces across the globe. The legitimization of these practices by many in the U.S. is troubling as these strategies are being mirrored by other countries in the Americas—adapting them to their own specific national contexts. Efforts to thwart democratic elections and transitions of power are becoming more common and evolving across the Americas.
While the violence of 06 January should be seared into the U.S. collective memory, efforts to overturn the results of the 2020 U.S. presidential election go beyond the violence of the day itself. Well before the election, there were efforts to undermine faith in the electoral system through mis– and dis–information campaigns. Once the election occurred and it was evident that Trump had lost, he sought to use his position and those of other officials to overturn the election results—arguing both that states should not ratify the results and put forward their own electors. This escalated to violence on 06 January as these claims were thwarted and efforts to have congress change the election results failed. It is worth noting that Democrats are not completely blameless in contemplating tactics to overturn electoral results—with some pushing to shift the 2016 election by encouraging “Hamilton Electors” to choose an alternative to Donald Trump.
The Americas are learning from 06 January
These efforts to undermine electoral integrity and prevent the transition of power may differ from traditional coup d’états—which have declined in the region—yet represent a troubling threat to democracy—one that is being embraced across the Americas. Almost exactly two years after 06 January, Brazil experienced a strikingly similar scene to those seen in the U.S. with Jair Bolsonaro’s supporters taking over Federal offices on 08 January 2023, in protest of the election of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. As in the U.S., Bolsonaro spent much of the campaign undermining faith in the electoral system and polarizing the electorate.
In January 2024, there was yet another attempt to overturn the results of a democratic election in the Americas, this time in Guatemala. While the international and regional community—as well as the United States—played an important role in pressuring Guatemalan elites to accept the election results and go through with the transition of power, elections in Guatemala faced challenges that threatened the country’s democracy. Efforts to undermine the electoral process began well before the elections—with assaults on the freedom of the press, bans of different opposition candidates, and systemic levels of corruption. Following the surprising electoral victory of Bernardo Arévalo, the political system turned against the president elect—seeking to annul the results of the election and ban his party from taking office. As inauguration day arrived, congress attempted to halt the inauguration by changing who was recognized within congress—an eerie parallel to efforts to block the ratification of the U.S. presidency. It was not till late that congress moved forward with the election results, allowing Arévalo to be sworn in as president.
Defending democracy
While tactics to overturn legitimate democratic elections are only one tool being used by would–be autocrats, they are rapidly becoming more common. To combat the spread of undemocratic practices, there are a number of actions that can be taken. First, it is important to recognize that would–be autocrats learn from the experiences of others and the tactics used in one country are often translated into other national realities. Thus, combating these tactics everywhere is critical. This should occur from voices across the political spectrum—regardless of whether the perpetrator is viewed as a political ally or not—both in domestic and international cases. To support these calls, leaders should lean into and leverage regional and international organizations, many of which have mechanisms to defend democracy—as is the case of the Organization of American States within the Americas. Furthermore, to prevent the spread of misinformation, authoritative voices—from multilateral, domestic, and non–governmental organizations—must clearly articulate electoral rules and results so as to mitigate efforts to throw uncertainty on elections. The courts also play a critical role and should set the precedent of throwing out cases that seek to delegitimize the results of elections.
Threats to democracy go beyond a domestic challenge. Undemocratic forces learn from the tactics used in other countries and translate them to their specific domestic contexts. With increasing challenges to inaugurations and misinformation campaigns, simply monitoring elections is no longer enough to ensure free and fair elections. Protecting the will of the people must continue throughout the election cycle and beyond by developing new tools for democracy promotion to address the evolving threat.
