n 1923, an Argentine writer took to the pages of The Nation to question the notion of Pan–Americanism. As he noted, while U.S. policymakers lauded Pan–American ideals and the need for Hemispheric cooperation, the U.S. general public knew little—and cared less—about what was happening in Latin America. At the same time, the U.S. military intervention in the region was endemic. One hundred years later, the situation is eerily similar. While U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio calls for an “Americas First” foreign policy and a shift of focus toward the Western Hemisphere, the public cares little about the Americas beyond immigration and “Americas First” belies the administration’s posturing—economically and militarily—against countries in the region, from Canada to Panama.
With 14 April marking Pan–American Day, it is important to reflect on the state of Pan–Americanism and what can be done to genuinely improve relations—both between governments and peoples—across the Americas?
What is Pan–Americanism?
Pan–Americanism can be understood as both a political and social project based on the collective identity and respect of the peoples across the Americas. In the social realm, Pan–Americanism highlights the parallels and shared experiences of the citizens of the Americas. From shared experiences with colonialism to independence movements, citizens across the Americas used to promote a vision of a shared identity based on these experiences and an interest in how citizens in the other American republics fared. Today, as in the past, many challenges facing the Americas continue to be shared or have parallels across different countries—from democratic backsliding to inequality to climate change.
These shared ideas—and the political efforts to promote cooperation in the Americas—have a long history. In 1826, Latin American liberator Simón Bolívar hosted the Congress of Panama which brought together representatives of the newly independent nations of the Americas to develop mechanisms for cooperation. While these visions did not come to pass, the governments across the region continued to seek mechanisms for promoting regional cooperation. In 1889, the U.S. government invited representatives from across the region to Washington for the first Pan–American Conference—whose conclusion (in 1890) has been celebrated by Pan–American Day since 1930. Over the course of the Pan–American Conferences, relations between the United States and Latin America oscillated, the Pan–American Conferences continued through 1954 and were instrumental in the development- of a regional governance framework. While Pan–Americanism largely fell out of favor during the Cold War (albeit with some important caveats during the Kennedy administration) as the United States focused on other regions, the Clinton administration launched the Summits of the Americas in 1994 as a new effort to collectively address regional challenges and shared interests—a process that continues to this day.
While political institutions of Pan–Americanism persist, many of the broader goals have fallen by the wayside. Broad hemispheric bodies—like the Organization of American States—as well as groups specifically designed to exclude and constrain the United States—like the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States—are main-stays of inter–American affairs. However, public interest in the Americas has waned. At the same time, countries in Latin America and the Caribbean increasingly turn outward as well in pursuing alternatives to regional integration.
A Return to the Americas?
While the Trump administration has shown a renewed focus on Latin America and the Caribbean, its approach has turned away from Pan–Americanism. Rather than a respect for sovereignty and recognition of collective opportunities and challenges, the Trump administration has bullied many countries in the region and vilified Latin American and Caribbean migrants. At the same time, the administration has not sought to promote a shared identity that recognizes shared heritage with the region, but rather one that re-emphasizes “American Exceptionalism”—even as underlying features between the United States and Latin America remain pronounced. With the OAS recently electing a new Secretary General and the next Summit of the Americas scheduled for this December, now is the time to push for a renewed sense of Pan–Americanism.
To reinvigorate Pan–Americanism and actually create an “Americas First” foreign policy, there must be a critical shift in how the United States approaches the region. This should include a stronger focus on bolstering U.S. soft power and actively seeking spaces for multilateral collaboration rather than unilateral action—areas that the Trump administration has been actively antagonistic toward. In addition, the United States must re–instill a sense of Pan–American identity within its own population. This could be done through music, education, film, or a variety of other tools focused both at home and abroad.
When the Argentine author critiqued the state of Pan Americanism in 1923, U.S. relations with the region were on the rocks. Less than a decade later however, a new golden age of Hemispheric affairs blossomed under the Good Neighbor Policy and, in 1948, the Organization of American States was created to promote Pan–American ideals and cooperation. While relations across the Americas may seem dire now, leaders and the public should not give up on these ideals. Pan–American ideals go deeper than just being a matter of U.S. foreign policy and working to foster improved relations—both between other governments and citizens—across the Americas can lead to a renewed era of Hemispheric cooperation and prosperity.
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Rejuvenating Pan–Americanism
Plaza Simon Bolivar, Panama City. The first attempt at forging Pan–American relations was convened in Panama City in 1826. Image courtesy Ted McGrath via Flickr. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0
April 14, 2025
The notion of Pan–Americanism—a sense of shared ideals, identity, and cooperation among states in the Western Hemisphere—has a rich history. Reflecting on that history suggests ways to genuinely improve relations across the Americas, writes Adam Ratzlaff.
I
n 1923, an Argentine writer took to the pages of The Nation to question the notion of Pan–Americanism. As he noted, while U.S. policymakers lauded Pan–American ideals and the need for Hemispheric cooperation, the U.S. general public knew little—and cared less—about what was happening in Latin America. At the same time, the U.S. military intervention in the region was endemic. One hundred years later, the situation is eerily similar. While U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio calls for an “Americas First” foreign policy and a shift of focus toward the Western Hemisphere, the public cares little about the Americas beyond immigration and “Americas First” belies the administration’s posturing—economically and militarily—against countries in the region, from Canada to Panama.
With 14 April marking Pan–American Day, it is important to reflect on the state of Pan–Americanism and what can be done to genuinely improve relations—both between governments and peoples—across the Americas?
What is Pan–Americanism?
Pan–Americanism can be understood as both a political and social project based on the collective identity and respect of the peoples across the Americas. In the social realm, Pan–Americanism highlights the parallels and shared experiences of the citizens of the Americas. From shared experiences with colonialism to independence movements, citizens across the Americas used to promote a vision of a shared identity based on these experiences and an interest in how citizens in the other American republics fared. Today, as in the past, many challenges facing the Americas continue to be shared or have parallels across different countries—from democratic backsliding to inequality to climate change.
These shared ideas—and the political efforts to promote cooperation in the Americas—have a long history. In 1826, Latin American liberator Simón Bolívar hosted the Congress of Panama which brought together representatives of the newly independent nations of the Americas to develop mechanisms for cooperation. While these visions did not come to pass, the governments across the region continued to seek mechanisms for promoting regional cooperation. In 1889, the U.S. government invited representatives from across the region to Washington for the first Pan–American Conference—whose conclusion (in 1890) has been celebrated by Pan–American Day since 1930. Over the course of the Pan–American Conferences, relations between the United States and Latin America oscillated, the Pan–American Conferences continued through 1954 and were instrumental in the development- of a regional governance framework. While Pan–Americanism largely fell out of favor during the Cold War (albeit with some important caveats during the Kennedy administration) as the United States focused on other regions, the Clinton administration launched the Summits of the Americas in 1994 as a new effort to collectively address regional challenges and shared interests—a process that continues to this day.
While political institutions of Pan–Americanism persist, many of the broader goals have fallen by the wayside. Broad hemispheric bodies—like the Organization of American States—as well as groups specifically designed to exclude and constrain the United States—like the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States—are main-stays of inter–American affairs. However, public interest in the Americas has waned. At the same time, countries in Latin America and the Caribbean increasingly turn outward as well in pursuing alternatives to regional integration.
A Return to the Americas?
While the Trump administration has shown a renewed focus on Latin America and the Caribbean, its approach has turned away from Pan–Americanism. Rather than a respect for sovereignty and recognition of collective opportunities and challenges, the Trump administration has bullied many countries in the region and vilified Latin American and Caribbean migrants. At the same time, the administration has not sought to promote a shared identity that recognizes shared heritage with the region, but rather one that re-emphasizes “American Exceptionalism”—even as underlying features between the United States and Latin America remain pronounced. With the OAS recently electing a new Secretary General and the next Summit of the Americas scheduled for this December, now is the time to push for a renewed sense of Pan–Americanism.
To reinvigorate Pan–Americanism and actually create an “Americas First” foreign policy, there must be a critical shift in how the United States approaches the region. This should include a stronger focus on bolstering U.S. soft power and actively seeking spaces for multilateral collaboration rather than unilateral action—areas that the Trump administration has been actively antagonistic toward. In addition, the United States must re–instill a sense of Pan–American identity within its own population. This could be done through music, education, film, or a variety of other tools focused both at home and abroad.
When the Argentine author critiqued the state of Pan Americanism in 1923, U.S. relations with the region were on the rocks. Less than a decade later however, a new golden age of Hemispheric affairs blossomed under the Good Neighbor Policy and, in 1948, the Organization of American States was created to promote Pan–American ideals and cooperation. While relations across the Americas may seem dire now, leaders and the public should not give up on these ideals. Pan–American ideals go deeper than just being a matter of U.S. foreign policy and working to foster improved relations—both between other governments and citizens—across the Americas can lead to a renewed era of Hemispheric cooperation and prosperity.
