.
O

n the sidelines of the NATO Summit in Washington, D.C. this July, Diplomatic Courier and Community of Democracies co–hosted The Future of Democracy (FOD) forum where participants with diverse backgrounds and views were invited to discuss systemic and external threats to democracy. Among others, they discussed the question of why democracy has been in recession because, despite being the best form of government, it has lost its global appeal. 

Although many participants dwelled on external threats, including misinformation and disinformation propagated by certain adversarial authoritarian states to undermine democracy, few touched on how established democracies themselves have historically undermined democracy and brought about its diminishing global appeal. Examples abound. But the forum provided an opportunity to speak from first–hand experience and discuss Afghanistan’s democratic state–building led by the United States between 2001–2021. 

Indeed, Afghanistan’s democratic journey would have hardly taken off without overwhelming buy–in from the Afghan people. In the wake of 9/11 when the international community reengaged in Afghanistan, Afghans’ overnight embrace of democracy against the Taliban’s oppressive rule stemmed from the country’s egalitarian culture. This characterizes mountainous peoples from Switzerland at the heart of Europe to Afghanistan at the heart of Asia. They similarly seek autonomy and minimum government against authoritarian rule. 

Having experienced totalitarian rule under the Taliban before 2001, Afghans easily placed their trust in the promise of democracy and its gradual devolution of power from center to periphery after the fall of the Taliban. Between 2001 and 2021, they actively participated in several rounds of presidential and parliamentary elections and endorsed long–term strategic partnership agreements with NATO member–states to help deliver on the democratic values and objectives the alliance profoundly shared with Afghans. 

Despite its mixed record, the United States had successfully helped institutionalize democracy in post–World War II Europe through the Marshall Plan. Similar U.S. support had been provided to Japan, South Korea, and others to develop democratic state institutions, which succeeded in their path toward sustainable peace and development. Afghans knew about some of these successful U.S. intervention outcomes and were convinced that U.S.–led NATO would also stay the course in Afghanistan until Afghans’ young democracy firmly stood on its own. 

Thanks to the support from the American people and citizens of other NATO member–states, Afghans steadily made transformational gains towards equal human rights, the rule of law, and people–centered socio–economic development. Consequently, in the years before 2021, life expectancy steadily rose, while infant, maternal, and child mortality rates plummeted. Millions of Afghans went back to schools and universities. And Afghanistan boasted the freest media across its wider region, including India’s largest democracy. 

However, tragically, in 2021, the Biden administration decided to discontinue supporting Afghanistan’s rapidly growing democracy. In utter disregard for the transformational, democratic gains made by the Afghan people, President Joe Biden ordered the full withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan—costing their limbs and lives daily. This effectively ended NATO’s “mission possible” in support of Afghanistan’s democracy in progress

At FOD, I pointed out this betrayal of democracy by a ruling democratic party in the United States, a traditional champion of liberty, democracy, and human rights, as an example of “a threat from within.” Undoubtedly, this growing threat has done much more to erode democracy’s global appeal than some threats posed by adversarial, authoritarian states. Today, when others demanding democratic rule inquire Afghans about their bitter experience, they would certainly urge caution against and hardly recommend the risky path they took to reach democracy without success.

Unfortunately, without admitting their chosen defeat in Afghanistan, NATO as an alliance of established democracies has unprecedentedly tarnished their image. This naturally discourages others demanding democratic rule from trusting the wavering alliance and counting on their meaningful support for institutionalizing democracy. Hence, established democracies must foremost address “the threat from within.” 

Today, Taliban–ruled Afghanistan offers a fleeting opportunity for the alliance to make up for their premature withdrawal in 2021, taking corrective policy measures to help restore the hard–earned democratic gains of the Afghan people. Such concrete steps should build on the many lessons so far learned to help tangibly reverse what has prevailed in the country since August 2021: gender apartheid and growing threats of extremism, terrorism, and criminality with far–reaching implications for regional stability and international peace and security.

About
M. Ashraf Haidari
:
M. Ashraf Haidari is Afghanistan's former Ambassador to Sri Lanka and a World in 2050 Senior Fellow.
The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.

a global affairs media network

www.diplomaticourier.com

Democracy has lost its global appeal, consider Afghanistan

Winter in Afghanistan. Image by Amber Clay from Pixabay

August 13, 2024

The greatest threats to our democracies are internal, says Amb. M. Ashraf Haidari, as Western leaders lack the will to truly support fragile, nascent democracies like Afghanistan.

O

n the sidelines of the NATO Summit in Washington, D.C. this July, Diplomatic Courier and Community of Democracies co–hosted The Future of Democracy (FOD) forum where participants with diverse backgrounds and views were invited to discuss systemic and external threats to democracy. Among others, they discussed the question of why democracy has been in recession because, despite being the best form of government, it has lost its global appeal. 

Although many participants dwelled on external threats, including misinformation and disinformation propagated by certain adversarial authoritarian states to undermine democracy, few touched on how established democracies themselves have historically undermined democracy and brought about its diminishing global appeal. Examples abound. But the forum provided an opportunity to speak from first–hand experience and discuss Afghanistan’s democratic state–building led by the United States between 2001–2021. 

Indeed, Afghanistan’s democratic journey would have hardly taken off without overwhelming buy–in from the Afghan people. In the wake of 9/11 when the international community reengaged in Afghanistan, Afghans’ overnight embrace of democracy against the Taliban’s oppressive rule stemmed from the country’s egalitarian culture. This characterizes mountainous peoples from Switzerland at the heart of Europe to Afghanistan at the heart of Asia. They similarly seek autonomy and minimum government against authoritarian rule. 

Having experienced totalitarian rule under the Taliban before 2001, Afghans easily placed their trust in the promise of democracy and its gradual devolution of power from center to periphery after the fall of the Taliban. Between 2001 and 2021, they actively participated in several rounds of presidential and parliamentary elections and endorsed long–term strategic partnership agreements with NATO member–states to help deliver on the democratic values and objectives the alliance profoundly shared with Afghans. 

Despite its mixed record, the United States had successfully helped institutionalize democracy in post–World War II Europe through the Marshall Plan. Similar U.S. support had been provided to Japan, South Korea, and others to develop democratic state institutions, which succeeded in their path toward sustainable peace and development. Afghans knew about some of these successful U.S. intervention outcomes and were convinced that U.S.–led NATO would also stay the course in Afghanistan until Afghans’ young democracy firmly stood on its own. 

Thanks to the support from the American people and citizens of other NATO member–states, Afghans steadily made transformational gains towards equal human rights, the rule of law, and people–centered socio–economic development. Consequently, in the years before 2021, life expectancy steadily rose, while infant, maternal, and child mortality rates plummeted. Millions of Afghans went back to schools and universities. And Afghanistan boasted the freest media across its wider region, including India’s largest democracy. 

However, tragically, in 2021, the Biden administration decided to discontinue supporting Afghanistan’s rapidly growing democracy. In utter disregard for the transformational, democratic gains made by the Afghan people, President Joe Biden ordered the full withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan—costing their limbs and lives daily. This effectively ended NATO’s “mission possible” in support of Afghanistan’s democracy in progress

At FOD, I pointed out this betrayal of democracy by a ruling democratic party in the United States, a traditional champion of liberty, democracy, and human rights, as an example of “a threat from within.” Undoubtedly, this growing threat has done much more to erode democracy’s global appeal than some threats posed by adversarial, authoritarian states. Today, when others demanding democratic rule inquire Afghans about their bitter experience, they would certainly urge caution against and hardly recommend the risky path they took to reach democracy without success.

Unfortunately, without admitting their chosen defeat in Afghanistan, NATO as an alliance of established democracies has unprecedentedly tarnished their image. This naturally discourages others demanding democratic rule from trusting the wavering alliance and counting on their meaningful support for institutionalizing democracy. Hence, established democracies must foremost address “the threat from within.” 

Today, Taliban–ruled Afghanistan offers a fleeting opportunity for the alliance to make up for their premature withdrawal in 2021, taking corrective policy measures to help restore the hard–earned democratic gains of the Afghan people. Such concrete steps should build on the many lessons so far learned to help tangibly reverse what has prevailed in the country since August 2021: gender apartheid and growing threats of extremism, terrorism, and criminality with far–reaching implications for regional stability and international peace and security.

About
M. Ashraf Haidari
:
M. Ashraf Haidari is Afghanistan's former Ambassador to Sri Lanka and a World in 2050 Senior Fellow.
The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.