s with several other Middle Eastern countries facing authoritarian rule—such as Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia—the Syrian people fiercely contested their despotic leader Bashar al-Assad as part of 2011’s Arab Spring. However, Syria was then plunged into a long-lasting civil war. The ongoing conflict and the weakness of its political institutions have created a failed state. This situation has been exploited and made the country a hotspot for drug trafficking. In recent years, Syria emerged as a central hub for Captagon, a highly addictive amphetamine that has become widespread across the Middle East. The spread of the drug has raised concerns stretching from Ryad to Washington.
Captagon smuggling has been an important source of financing for both the al-Assad Regime as well as Hezbollah. The Fourth Armored Division of the Syrian Army manages much of the production and smuggling process— a group commanded by Maher al-Assad, the president's younger brother, underlining the direct involvement of the al-Assad regime. In fact, drug sales generate a stable source of revenue for the al-Assad government, amounting to $3.5 billion in 2020 and $5.7 billion in 2021. The Syrian regime used this money to secure its position and finance its illicit activities rather than to sustain the country's reconstruction or basic population needs like water or food supply. Other groups, including the Lebanese paramilitary group Hezbollah, also play a role in the Captagon trade. The porous border between Lebanon and Syria allows the Division and Hezbollah to cooperate in the smuggling of Captagon.
The region is also a major trade route, linking this region to key export markets. Captagon is smuggled by land from Syria to Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan. It is flown from Lebanon to Saudi Arabia and shipped by sea from Syria to Southern Europe, North Africa, and the Gulf. Lebanon's informal involvement in this process poses several issues for its government and its fragile economy. In fact, some Arab countries have imposed limits and restrictions on their trade with Beirut for fear that Captagon may be smuggled across their borders.
Captagon, however, is not restricted to a single area and broadly impacts public health and geopolitics in the Middle East. For neighboring countries like Saudi Arabia or the United Arab Emirates, Captagon smuggling raises other issues, such as concerns about the growth in drug use among youth. According to Voice of America, young people in Saudi Arabia are becoming addicted for several reasons, including efforts to improve school performance and obtain rapid weight loss. Similar trends can be seen in neighboring countries like Qatar and Jordan. Likewise, high youth unemployment in much of the region is a driving factor of drug use.
The conservative political establishments have long forbidden this practice and adopted strict controls in some key hubs to counter the illicit trade. These efforts have interdicted several large shipments. Ryad authorities, for example, seized 46 million amphetamine pills hidden in a shipload of flour in August 2022. Just one year before, Abu Dhabi intercepted 3 million Captagon capsules at the Jebel Ali port.
The United States still considers the al-Assad regime a threat to national security—particularly given Syrian ties with Russia, Iran, and Hezbollah. Given these concerns and the resources the Syrian government receives from smuggling, the United States is adopting a new strategy to thwart Captagon production and trade. On September 20, the U.S. House of Representatives passed the bipartisan Captagon Act that could mark a new chapter in the war on drugs if approved by the Senate. The act would create an inter-agency strategy to stop and dismantle all the networks involved in Captagon production affiliated with the al-Assad regime.
The Captagon Act has the potential to counter smuggling and relaunch U.S. diplomacy in the area. According to Caroline Rose, senior analyst at the New Lines Institute, "this is an issue where the [United States] has a lot of space for proactive action and success, as well as partners." In particular, Lebanon and Israel have much to gain from reducing the threats posed by Syria. Additionally, other major drug export destinations will welcome efforts to stop the illegal trade. Given the recent tensions between Ryad and Washington, this issue could revive bilateral relations.
Captagon has impacted different countries in a variety of dimensions. Its solution will require concerted efforts among various actors. For its part, the United States has the logistic and military capabilities to hinder the drug's production and smuggling in the Eastern Mediterranean. However, Washington cannot fight the drug supply without effectively responding to Captagon use in the Arab world. Only Middle Eastern countries can on the demand side. They should adopt social and economic reforms to fight major drug use causes, such as youth unemployment. A joint effort between domestic and international actors could be a mutually beneficial opportunity to for the United States and its regional counterparts at a time of hightened geopolitical tensions.
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Captagon Could Reignite U.S. Relations in the Middle East
Daraa, Syria. Photo by Mahmoud Sulaiman via Unsplash.
October 25, 2022
Syria’s civil war has been exploited to make the country a hotspot for drug trafficking. In recent years, Syria has emerged as a central hub for Captagon, an addictive amphetamine that has become widespread across the Middle East, raising concerns around the world, writes Elia Preto Martini.
A
s with several other Middle Eastern countries facing authoritarian rule—such as Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia—the Syrian people fiercely contested their despotic leader Bashar al-Assad as part of 2011’s Arab Spring. However, Syria was then plunged into a long-lasting civil war. The ongoing conflict and the weakness of its political institutions have created a failed state. This situation has been exploited and made the country a hotspot for drug trafficking. In recent years, Syria emerged as a central hub for Captagon, a highly addictive amphetamine that has become widespread across the Middle East. The spread of the drug has raised concerns stretching from Ryad to Washington.
Captagon smuggling has been an important source of financing for both the al-Assad Regime as well as Hezbollah. The Fourth Armored Division of the Syrian Army manages much of the production and smuggling process— a group commanded by Maher al-Assad, the president's younger brother, underlining the direct involvement of the al-Assad regime. In fact, drug sales generate a stable source of revenue for the al-Assad government, amounting to $3.5 billion in 2020 and $5.7 billion in 2021. The Syrian regime used this money to secure its position and finance its illicit activities rather than to sustain the country's reconstruction or basic population needs like water or food supply. Other groups, including the Lebanese paramilitary group Hezbollah, also play a role in the Captagon trade. The porous border between Lebanon and Syria allows the Division and Hezbollah to cooperate in the smuggling of Captagon.
The region is also a major trade route, linking this region to key export markets. Captagon is smuggled by land from Syria to Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan. It is flown from Lebanon to Saudi Arabia and shipped by sea from Syria to Southern Europe, North Africa, and the Gulf. Lebanon's informal involvement in this process poses several issues for its government and its fragile economy. In fact, some Arab countries have imposed limits and restrictions on their trade with Beirut for fear that Captagon may be smuggled across their borders.
Captagon, however, is not restricted to a single area and broadly impacts public health and geopolitics in the Middle East. For neighboring countries like Saudi Arabia or the United Arab Emirates, Captagon smuggling raises other issues, such as concerns about the growth in drug use among youth. According to Voice of America, young people in Saudi Arabia are becoming addicted for several reasons, including efforts to improve school performance and obtain rapid weight loss. Similar trends can be seen in neighboring countries like Qatar and Jordan. Likewise, high youth unemployment in much of the region is a driving factor of drug use.
The conservative political establishments have long forbidden this practice and adopted strict controls in some key hubs to counter the illicit trade. These efforts have interdicted several large shipments. Ryad authorities, for example, seized 46 million amphetamine pills hidden in a shipload of flour in August 2022. Just one year before, Abu Dhabi intercepted 3 million Captagon capsules at the Jebel Ali port.
The United States still considers the al-Assad regime a threat to national security—particularly given Syrian ties with Russia, Iran, and Hezbollah. Given these concerns and the resources the Syrian government receives from smuggling, the United States is adopting a new strategy to thwart Captagon production and trade. On September 20, the U.S. House of Representatives passed the bipartisan Captagon Act that could mark a new chapter in the war on drugs if approved by the Senate. The act would create an inter-agency strategy to stop and dismantle all the networks involved in Captagon production affiliated with the al-Assad regime.
The Captagon Act has the potential to counter smuggling and relaunch U.S. diplomacy in the area. According to Caroline Rose, senior analyst at the New Lines Institute, "this is an issue where the [United States] has a lot of space for proactive action and success, as well as partners." In particular, Lebanon and Israel have much to gain from reducing the threats posed by Syria. Additionally, other major drug export destinations will welcome efforts to stop the illegal trade. Given the recent tensions between Ryad and Washington, this issue could revive bilateral relations.
Captagon has impacted different countries in a variety of dimensions. Its solution will require concerted efforts among various actors. For its part, the United States has the logistic and military capabilities to hinder the drug's production and smuggling in the Eastern Mediterranean. However, Washington cannot fight the drug supply without effectively responding to Captagon use in the Arab world. Only Middle Eastern countries can on the demand side. They should adopt social and economic reforms to fight major drug use causes, such as youth unemployment. A joint effort between domestic and international actors could be a mutually beneficial opportunity to for the United States and its regional counterparts at a time of hightened geopolitical tensions.
