While his diplomatic career admittedly is still young, Qubad Talabani’s public service on behalf of the Kurdistan Region in Iraq has been punctuated with the sort of high-profile, extraordinary experiences that the most veteran of diplomats would envy. From serving as part of the Kurdish negotiating team responsible for drafting a new Iraqi Constitution in the post-Saddam era, to coordinating a meeting between the President of the Kurdistan Region and President Obama and serving as part of the delegation for that Oval Office meeting, the highlights of Talabani’s short career are impressive and embody some of the more pivotal events for the fledging Kurdish government.
But a career in diplomacy and politics and having the opportunity to witness and play a role in these historic moments were never a given for Talabani. In fact, he initially had tried to steer away from it, pursuing a completely different career track by studying engineering, despite his family’s long and storied involvement in politics. However, as Talabani tells it, "when you’re Kurdish, you’re always somehow, one way or another" politically aware and engaged, and this maxim would prove true as he was drawn into the diplomatic sphere.“I remember one day getting a call from the then-Representative of the Kurds in Washington, now the Prime Minister of the Kurdistan Region, who I had known since childhood. He said I’d like for you to work for me,” Talabani related, “So I tried it out. I was at a crossroads in life. I was young; it was in 2000. I came and tried it out and it was fascinating and interesting.”
The turning point that sealed Talabani’s decision to follow a career in public service occurred when his grandfather, who had raised him, passed away. He accompanied his grandfather’s body back home where he and his family were greeted with an outpouring of warmth and affection and respect for his grandfather’s life from their fellow Kurds. This veneration of his grandfather left Talabani feeling like he had not done enough and buttressed the calling of public service.
He answered the call and was quickly thrown in the proverbial "deep end" with a posting in 2000 to Washington, DC, a city teeming with political significance. He has since served in DC, being promoted through the ranks and eventually becoming the Representative. Talabani appreciates that this is an extended time at this premier post and during his tenure he has seen three Administrations, Operation Iraqi Freedom, the liberation of the Kurdistan Region, and the post-war effort.
Talabani did have a one year hiatus in 2003 when what was supposed to be a 2-3 week trip turned into a year-long assignment in Baghdad. Having worked with the Americans in Washington, he was tapped to be a liaison to U.S. authorities, representing the Kurdish interests within the new Iraq. This ultimately led to his taking part in the negotiations of the new Constitution. “It was an amazing year because so much was happening in Iraq. It was the birth of a new country. And to have even a minimal role in that was very rewarding and exciting and frustrating. I am honored to have been one of the members of the negotiating team for that new constitution. Those are memories that I’ll never forget.”
As the Representative of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in DC, Talabani represents the interests of a key component of Iraq, which is interesting given that there is an Embassy of Iraq representing the nation. He describes his work as nuanced and is quick to point out that “in no way do we claim to represent Iraq as a whole.” Talabani holds his Iraqi colleagues in high esteem, saying, “We have enormous respect for the Ambassador, for the diplomats that are posted there, and the mission what they’re trying to accomplish which I feel, by and large, is in synergy with what we’re trying to do here.”
As to any policy differences that may exist between the KRG and the Iraqi government, he believes those are best resolved "in country." The Representative added, “It’s important for us to present as united a front here as possible.” But job one for Talabani is being the Kurdish voice in DC, and when it comes to the White House and Congress he strikes a bipartisan tone acknowledging that it’s important to “maintain a strong relationship with those who are in the Administration that’s in power, but at the same time maintain relationships with those who are in the opposition.” As the relationship between Iraq and the United States and subsequently the KRG and the United States evolves, Talabani is focused on keeping both relevant in the eyes of Americans noting that “Iraq is an important country and Kurdistan is vital for Iraq’s development and for the development of civil society and democracy in the region as well.” A significant step in strengthening that relationship was to upgrade the American diplomatic presence in the Kurdistan Region and this was accomplished with the opening of a U.S. Consulate in Erbil.
But in Talabani’s estimation the special bond between the Kurds and Americans extends far beyond diplomatic channels and niceties. “I think this is a relationship that has been built on a lot of blood and treasure that has been split collectively; a lot of heartache that my people have endured under the oppressive regimes of Iraq,” he continued. “I think the Kurdish story is a story that resonates well with Americans because it’s a story of the underdog—an underdog that despite the odds has been able to create a success story out of it. I think that there are very few U.S. foreign policy success stories in the Middle East unfortunately, but the U.S. intervention in 1991 to establish the safe haven and the no-fly zones inadvertently or advertently has resulted in one of the most progressive, secular, relatively democratic entities in the Middle East today.”
One of the great stories in the Kurdistan Region is the stability and relative peace enjoyed by its citizens. “I think by far, the Kurdistan Region is Iraq’s most secure part of the country. It is the most stable and developed part of the country and we are very proud of this fact,” affirmed Talabani. “And while we mourn the almost 4,500 U.S. personnel who have lost their life in Iraq; not one of those loses have occurred in Kurdistan.”
With the basic need of security attained, Talabani and the KRG are able to focus more of their efforts on other key elements of a developing region from attracting business investment to promoting civil society and ensuring human rights for women and minorities.
Beyond a more normalized diplomatic relationship, Talabani envisions a deeper and mutually beneficial economic linkage between the Kurdistan Region and the United States. “The opportunity avails itself. It’s just a matter now of convincing the U.S. business community that Kurdistan is worth investing in. We’ve been able to do that in certain sectors and now I think we need to go to other sectors where America has a competitive advantage and convince them that Kurdistan is open for business,” Talabani asserted.
When it comes to human rights, Talabani assigns mixed grades. On the issue of religious tolerance, he gives high marks noting that Kurdistan is a tolerant society with a pluralistic government that has become a safe haven for Iraqi Christians and a variety of religious adherents fleeing other parts of the country. In terms of women’s rights, he perceives formal, legal improvements, including the outlawing of heinous crimes like honor killings and female genital mutilation. However, according to Talabani, “It’s one thing to have a law and it’s another thing to implement it, and I think we will only be able to implement it and apply the rule of law if culturally we can adapt to this era and not the last century.”
With Saddam’s boot removed from its neck, the Kurdistan Region has emerged as a precious stone among gravel. That is not to say that real challenges do not exist that threaten to fade its luster. Bombardments of and incursions into mountainous areas of the Kurdistan Region by Turkish forces pursuing Kurdish rebels of Turkish origin is a festering problem. “The unrest is not in the towns and cities but there are bombardments of the village areas along the borders of Iraq, Turkey and Iran,” Talabani acknowledged. “And we have stated publicly and in discussions with those countries bilaterally that we’re against this kind of intervention, at the same time we are against attacks on those countries from the various Kurdish groups.”
Disagreements over how to divide revenues generated from the energy sector also could flare up. While Talabani believes agreement can be reached to ensure that everyone will be satisfied, he is insistent that the Kurds be treated fairly, saying, “As Kurds, we have our share of resources, but there are also enormous resources in the south. If we have a wise policy we can make sure the revenues get equally distributed so even if a region doesn’t have oil, they still get a share of the wealth. But we cannot be punished like in the old days where because we are Kurds we’re not going to get our portion of the revenues or we’re mistreated.”
With great opportunities and challenges ahead for the Kurdistan Region, it is clear that Talabani envisions a role for himself. But exactly what the future holds isn’t clear. Might he return to his homeland to help chart its future course? He offered, “It’s such a fluid situation. It’s probably best not to think too far ahead. I’m happy to serve wherever I can be useful. As much as I love this city, I could be enticed with a new challenge.”
KRG Representative Talabani on the Issues
On the Withdrawal of U.S. Forces from Iraq
"I find it very difficult to expect to wake up on the 1st of January 2012 and not see an American soldier in Iraq. But I do see the current mission that the United States has in Iraq ending on the evening of December 31st 2011 and what will replace that mission will be a new mission with a new mandate which requires a new agreement. So I don’t think we will see a renegotiation of the status quo forces agreement. I think we’re much more likely to see a new bilateral agreement between Iraq and the United States that would continue a training mission in Iraq which I think would lead to a continued security cooperation between Iraq and the United States. The Kurds are very supportive of a long-term political, economic, and security relationship between the U.S. and Iraq and the Kurdistan Region."
On the Kurds in Turkey
"The Kurdish question in Turkey needs to be resolved politically, diplomatically and peacefully. There have been too many decades of violence in Turkey and fingers can be pointed in all directions; there’s no one group whose fault it is more so than the others. It’s a problem that has been festering for too long, and while there are people today who are trying to resolve it peacefully and diplomatically I fear that, at the same time, there are people internally and externally who are trying to stir the pot who may have an interest in sustaining the violence and that’s what we have to collectively overcome."
On a Kurdish State
"It’s one of history’s biggest injustices that there isn’t a country called ‘Kurdistan.’ But that’s the fact; that’s the reality that we have to deal with. Today we have an established Kurdish political identity; a legitimate federal region within Iraq and then in each of the other countries (Turkey, Syria and Iran), to varying degrees, an ethnic identity that is trying to shape politics, culture, and daily life. It’s a balancing act, but I think if a Kurd in Iran is executed because of his or her Kurdish identity it upsets Kurds in Iraq; it upsets Kurds in Syria because we know all too well what it feels like to be persecuted because of your identity. I think that in this day and age it can’t be accepted; it shouldn’t be accepted."
On Women’s Rights
"When you talk about issues such as the rights of women, on paper legally and legislatively we probably have all the right things down, but culturally I think we are still lagging behind. The issue of women’s rights and of women’s participation in government and business, we could do better at; not just as a government, but as a society. And I think that the stronger civil society becomes in Kurdistan, the more it can champion these kinds of issues."
On Human Rights
"The openness of Kurdistan to domestic and international NGOs means that occasionally we will be criticized more for violations of human rights or for aggressions here and there. On the one hand it is a good thing because there are many parts of the world where there are horrible things going on and they’re not being reported on because the societies and the governments are so closed off that they do not allow people to report on it. We’re not hiding our deficiencies; we’re public, we’re open, which means when you’re open, you’ll be open to criticism which for us is a motivating factor that’ll help us address some of the shortcomings that we have."
On Iraqi Federalism
"I think now federalism has gone beyond being just a Kurdish proposal. Federalism today is now an Iraqi project. Governors across Iraq are pushing for the same rights that the Kurdistan Region has had since we ratified the Constitution in 2005."
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A Conversation with Qubad Jalal Talabani
February 3, 2012
While his diplomatic career admittedly is still young, Qubad Talabani’s public service on behalf of the Kurdistan Region in Iraq has been punctuated with the sort of high-profile, extraordinary experiences that the most veteran of diplomats would envy. From serving as part of the Kurdish negotiating team responsible for drafting a new Iraqi Constitution in the post-Saddam era, to coordinating a meeting between the President of the Kurdistan Region and President Obama and serving as part of the delegation for that Oval Office meeting, the highlights of Talabani’s short career are impressive and embody some of the more pivotal events for the fledging Kurdish government.
But a career in diplomacy and politics and having the opportunity to witness and play a role in these historic moments were never a given for Talabani. In fact, he initially had tried to steer away from it, pursuing a completely different career track by studying engineering, despite his family’s long and storied involvement in politics. However, as Talabani tells it, "when you’re Kurdish, you’re always somehow, one way or another" politically aware and engaged, and this maxim would prove true as he was drawn into the diplomatic sphere.“I remember one day getting a call from the then-Representative of the Kurds in Washington, now the Prime Minister of the Kurdistan Region, who I had known since childhood. He said I’d like for you to work for me,” Talabani related, “So I tried it out. I was at a crossroads in life. I was young; it was in 2000. I came and tried it out and it was fascinating and interesting.”
The turning point that sealed Talabani’s decision to follow a career in public service occurred when his grandfather, who had raised him, passed away. He accompanied his grandfather’s body back home where he and his family were greeted with an outpouring of warmth and affection and respect for his grandfather’s life from their fellow Kurds. This veneration of his grandfather left Talabani feeling like he had not done enough and buttressed the calling of public service.
He answered the call and was quickly thrown in the proverbial "deep end" with a posting in 2000 to Washington, DC, a city teeming with political significance. He has since served in DC, being promoted through the ranks and eventually becoming the Representative. Talabani appreciates that this is an extended time at this premier post and during his tenure he has seen three Administrations, Operation Iraqi Freedom, the liberation of the Kurdistan Region, and the post-war effort.
Talabani did have a one year hiatus in 2003 when what was supposed to be a 2-3 week trip turned into a year-long assignment in Baghdad. Having worked with the Americans in Washington, he was tapped to be a liaison to U.S. authorities, representing the Kurdish interests within the new Iraq. This ultimately led to his taking part in the negotiations of the new Constitution. “It was an amazing year because so much was happening in Iraq. It was the birth of a new country. And to have even a minimal role in that was very rewarding and exciting and frustrating. I am honored to have been one of the members of the negotiating team for that new constitution. Those are memories that I’ll never forget.”
As the Representative of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in DC, Talabani represents the interests of a key component of Iraq, which is interesting given that there is an Embassy of Iraq representing the nation. He describes his work as nuanced and is quick to point out that “in no way do we claim to represent Iraq as a whole.” Talabani holds his Iraqi colleagues in high esteem, saying, “We have enormous respect for the Ambassador, for the diplomats that are posted there, and the mission what they’re trying to accomplish which I feel, by and large, is in synergy with what we’re trying to do here.”
As to any policy differences that may exist between the KRG and the Iraqi government, he believes those are best resolved "in country." The Representative added, “It’s important for us to present as united a front here as possible.” But job one for Talabani is being the Kurdish voice in DC, and when it comes to the White House and Congress he strikes a bipartisan tone acknowledging that it’s important to “maintain a strong relationship with those who are in the Administration that’s in power, but at the same time maintain relationships with those who are in the opposition.” As the relationship between Iraq and the United States and subsequently the KRG and the United States evolves, Talabani is focused on keeping both relevant in the eyes of Americans noting that “Iraq is an important country and Kurdistan is vital for Iraq’s development and for the development of civil society and democracy in the region as well.” A significant step in strengthening that relationship was to upgrade the American diplomatic presence in the Kurdistan Region and this was accomplished with the opening of a U.S. Consulate in Erbil.
But in Talabani’s estimation the special bond between the Kurds and Americans extends far beyond diplomatic channels and niceties. “I think this is a relationship that has been built on a lot of blood and treasure that has been split collectively; a lot of heartache that my people have endured under the oppressive regimes of Iraq,” he continued. “I think the Kurdish story is a story that resonates well with Americans because it’s a story of the underdog—an underdog that despite the odds has been able to create a success story out of it. I think that there are very few U.S. foreign policy success stories in the Middle East unfortunately, but the U.S. intervention in 1991 to establish the safe haven and the no-fly zones inadvertently or advertently has resulted in one of the most progressive, secular, relatively democratic entities in the Middle East today.”
One of the great stories in the Kurdistan Region is the stability and relative peace enjoyed by its citizens. “I think by far, the Kurdistan Region is Iraq’s most secure part of the country. It is the most stable and developed part of the country and we are very proud of this fact,” affirmed Talabani. “And while we mourn the almost 4,500 U.S. personnel who have lost their life in Iraq; not one of those loses have occurred in Kurdistan.”
With the basic need of security attained, Talabani and the KRG are able to focus more of their efforts on other key elements of a developing region from attracting business investment to promoting civil society and ensuring human rights for women and minorities.
Beyond a more normalized diplomatic relationship, Talabani envisions a deeper and mutually beneficial economic linkage between the Kurdistan Region and the United States. “The opportunity avails itself. It’s just a matter now of convincing the U.S. business community that Kurdistan is worth investing in. We’ve been able to do that in certain sectors and now I think we need to go to other sectors where America has a competitive advantage and convince them that Kurdistan is open for business,” Talabani asserted.
When it comes to human rights, Talabani assigns mixed grades. On the issue of religious tolerance, he gives high marks noting that Kurdistan is a tolerant society with a pluralistic government that has become a safe haven for Iraqi Christians and a variety of religious adherents fleeing other parts of the country. In terms of women’s rights, he perceives formal, legal improvements, including the outlawing of heinous crimes like honor killings and female genital mutilation. However, according to Talabani, “It’s one thing to have a law and it’s another thing to implement it, and I think we will only be able to implement it and apply the rule of law if culturally we can adapt to this era and not the last century.”
With Saddam’s boot removed from its neck, the Kurdistan Region has emerged as a precious stone among gravel. That is not to say that real challenges do not exist that threaten to fade its luster. Bombardments of and incursions into mountainous areas of the Kurdistan Region by Turkish forces pursuing Kurdish rebels of Turkish origin is a festering problem. “The unrest is not in the towns and cities but there are bombardments of the village areas along the borders of Iraq, Turkey and Iran,” Talabani acknowledged. “And we have stated publicly and in discussions with those countries bilaterally that we’re against this kind of intervention, at the same time we are against attacks on those countries from the various Kurdish groups.”
Disagreements over how to divide revenues generated from the energy sector also could flare up. While Talabani believes agreement can be reached to ensure that everyone will be satisfied, he is insistent that the Kurds be treated fairly, saying, “As Kurds, we have our share of resources, but there are also enormous resources in the south. If we have a wise policy we can make sure the revenues get equally distributed so even if a region doesn’t have oil, they still get a share of the wealth. But we cannot be punished like in the old days where because we are Kurds we’re not going to get our portion of the revenues or we’re mistreated.”
With great opportunities and challenges ahead for the Kurdistan Region, it is clear that Talabani envisions a role for himself. But exactly what the future holds isn’t clear. Might he return to his homeland to help chart its future course? He offered, “It’s such a fluid situation. It’s probably best not to think too far ahead. I’m happy to serve wherever I can be useful. As much as I love this city, I could be enticed with a new challenge.”
KRG Representative Talabani on the Issues
On the Withdrawal of U.S. Forces from Iraq
"I find it very difficult to expect to wake up on the 1st of January 2012 and not see an American soldier in Iraq. But I do see the current mission that the United States has in Iraq ending on the evening of December 31st 2011 and what will replace that mission will be a new mission with a new mandate which requires a new agreement. So I don’t think we will see a renegotiation of the status quo forces agreement. I think we’re much more likely to see a new bilateral agreement between Iraq and the United States that would continue a training mission in Iraq which I think would lead to a continued security cooperation between Iraq and the United States. The Kurds are very supportive of a long-term political, economic, and security relationship between the U.S. and Iraq and the Kurdistan Region."
On the Kurds in Turkey
"The Kurdish question in Turkey needs to be resolved politically, diplomatically and peacefully. There have been too many decades of violence in Turkey and fingers can be pointed in all directions; there’s no one group whose fault it is more so than the others. It’s a problem that has been festering for too long, and while there are people today who are trying to resolve it peacefully and diplomatically I fear that, at the same time, there are people internally and externally who are trying to stir the pot who may have an interest in sustaining the violence and that’s what we have to collectively overcome."
On a Kurdish State
"It’s one of history’s biggest injustices that there isn’t a country called ‘Kurdistan.’ But that’s the fact; that’s the reality that we have to deal with. Today we have an established Kurdish political identity; a legitimate federal region within Iraq and then in each of the other countries (Turkey, Syria and Iran), to varying degrees, an ethnic identity that is trying to shape politics, culture, and daily life. It’s a balancing act, but I think if a Kurd in Iran is executed because of his or her Kurdish identity it upsets Kurds in Iraq; it upsets Kurds in Syria because we know all too well what it feels like to be persecuted because of your identity. I think that in this day and age it can’t be accepted; it shouldn’t be accepted."
On Women’s Rights
"When you talk about issues such as the rights of women, on paper legally and legislatively we probably have all the right things down, but culturally I think we are still lagging behind. The issue of women’s rights and of women’s participation in government and business, we could do better at; not just as a government, but as a society. And I think that the stronger civil society becomes in Kurdistan, the more it can champion these kinds of issues."
On Human Rights
"The openness of Kurdistan to domestic and international NGOs means that occasionally we will be criticized more for violations of human rights or for aggressions here and there. On the one hand it is a good thing because there are many parts of the world where there are horrible things going on and they’re not being reported on because the societies and the governments are so closed off that they do not allow people to report on it. We’re not hiding our deficiencies; we’re public, we’re open, which means when you’re open, you’ll be open to criticism which for us is a motivating factor that’ll help us address some of the shortcomings that we have."
On Iraqi Federalism
"I think now federalism has gone beyond being just a Kurdish proposal. Federalism today is now an Iraqi project. Governors across Iraq are pushing for the same rights that the Kurdistan Region has had since we ratified the Constitution in 2005."
