On December 24, 2013, several Cambodian union groups called for worker strikes throughout the country in response to new minimum wage policies by the Labor Ministry, who had set the minimum wage for 2014 at $95 dollars a month, not the $160 dollars a month that labor leaders had demanded. For ten days, tens of thousands of workers went on strike, marching through the streets of the Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh. At the height of the protests, over 100,000 workers joined the demonstrations on December 29th for new labor laws and improved wages.
The movement is not just concerned with the abject situation of low-wage workers in Cambodia, but also with the dire political situation with Prime Minister Hun Sen running essentially a dictatorship in the carapace of democracy. Ever since last year’s elections, the main opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) has been holding rallies against Hun Sen, challenging his venal reign. Hun Sen has been in power for more than 28 years and has vowed to stay for another 13, using intimidation and corruption to manipulate elections. These protests at the end of December were the natural evolution of a nation tired of a government set on exploiting its own people.
However, these protests are a product of a stronger force in Cambodia: a new generation of youth. Cambodia has one of the youngest populations in the world, with 32 percent of the population being under 15 years of age and 70 percent of the population being under 30 years of age. All of these youth are second and third generation offspring of survivors of the Khmer Rouge, so the typical political posturing based on the Pol Pot era is largely ineffective, as most were born after the regime or have no memories of that time. Youth are at the head of the charge when it comes to the recent protests and have proved a deciding factor in the political process.
Kem Monovithya, a member of the Permanent Committee of the CNRP, and head of the youth wing of the party offered another reason for why Cambodian youth were demanding reform. “Young Cambodians today compare present Cambodia to their surroundings: neighboring countries. Now with internet usage and smartphones, it's easy for young people to get info. And from that they see Cambodia is far behind and is in a sickly condition, therefore, change must happen.”
The power of the new generation of Cambodians harnessing social media and the internet for change was the most apparent on July 19, 2013. Sam Rainsy, the leader of the opposition, returned to Cambodia after four years of self-imposed exile in Paris to escape convictions widely believed to be politically-motivated. Despite a media blackout of the event, 250,000 Cambodians filled the streets of Phnom Penh to greet Sam Rainsy. No TV stations, newspapers, and official radio stations mentioned the event over the course of the week—instead it was social networks and the unprecedented nature of communication through a connected generation that led to the largest turnout for a rally during the election season.
The rise of youth in political movements is not just isolated to Cambodia. Most developing nations have the largest youth populations in the world and youth are often at the head of political reform in those nations. A recent example is the Y'en a Marre ("Fed Up") movement in Senegal, where young rappers and journalists protested against former president Abdoulaye Wade’s ineffective government and encouraged youth to register to vote. This movement was instrumental in mobilizing the Senegalese youth and finally ousting president Wade after 12 years of rule.
No longer can politicians ignore youth issues in politics. Globally, youth are two to three times more likely to be unemployed compared to adults. As long as trends like these are allowed to continue, politicians will face more and more discontent from a young population with new tools for organization and protest. Cambodia is an important example of an international shift in politics. Despite the fact that the strikes have been called off in response to the violence of January 3rd that left four protesters dead after police opened fire on a crowd of protesters, the youth of Cambodia will continue to fight for change.
Akshan de Alwis is a senior at the Noble and Greenough School and writes on political change in Asia. He has partnered with youth groups in Burma on youth and civic participation projects.
Photo: Luc Forsyth (cc).
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Youth and Civic Participation in Cambodia
February 19, 2014
On December 24, 2013, several Cambodian union groups called for worker strikes throughout the country in response to new minimum wage policies by the Labor Ministry, who had set the minimum wage for 2014 at $95 dollars a month, not the $160 dollars a month that labor leaders had demanded. For ten days, tens of thousands of workers went on strike, marching through the streets of the Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh. At the height of the protests, over 100,000 workers joined the demonstrations on December 29th for new labor laws and improved wages.
The movement is not just concerned with the abject situation of low-wage workers in Cambodia, but also with the dire political situation with Prime Minister Hun Sen running essentially a dictatorship in the carapace of democracy. Ever since last year’s elections, the main opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) has been holding rallies against Hun Sen, challenging his venal reign. Hun Sen has been in power for more than 28 years and has vowed to stay for another 13, using intimidation and corruption to manipulate elections. These protests at the end of December were the natural evolution of a nation tired of a government set on exploiting its own people.
However, these protests are a product of a stronger force in Cambodia: a new generation of youth. Cambodia has one of the youngest populations in the world, with 32 percent of the population being under 15 years of age and 70 percent of the population being under 30 years of age. All of these youth are second and third generation offspring of survivors of the Khmer Rouge, so the typical political posturing based on the Pol Pot era is largely ineffective, as most were born after the regime or have no memories of that time. Youth are at the head of the charge when it comes to the recent protests and have proved a deciding factor in the political process.
Kem Monovithya, a member of the Permanent Committee of the CNRP, and head of the youth wing of the party offered another reason for why Cambodian youth were demanding reform. “Young Cambodians today compare present Cambodia to their surroundings: neighboring countries. Now with internet usage and smartphones, it's easy for young people to get info. And from that they see Cambodia is far behind and is in a sickly condition, therefore, change must happen.”
The power of the new generation of Cambodians harnessing social media and the internet for change was the most apparent on July 19, 2013. Sam Rainsy, the leader of the opposition, returned to Cambodia after four years of self-imposed exile in Paris to escape convictions widely believed to be politically-motivated. Despite a media blackout of the event, 250,000 Cambodians filled the streets of Phnom Penh to greet Sam Rainsy. No TV stations, newspapers, and official radio stations mentioned the event over the course of the week—instead it was social networks and the unprecedented nature of communication through a connected generation that led to the largest turnout for a rally during the election season.
The rise of youth in political movements is not just isolated to Cambodia. Most developing nations have the largest youth populations in the world and youth are often at the head of political reform in those nations. A recent example is the Y'en a Marre ("Fed Up") movement in Senegal, where young rappers and journalists protested against former president Abdoulaye Wade’s ineffective government and encouraged youth to register to vote. This movement was instrumental in mobilizing the Senegalese youth and finally ousting president Wade after 12 years of rule.
No longer can politicians ignore youth issues in politics. Globally, youth are two to three times more likely to be unemployed compared to adults. As long as trends like these are allowed to continue, politicians will face more and more discontent from a young population with new tools for organization and protest. Cambodia is an important example of an international shift in politics. Despite the fact that the strikes have been called off in response to the violence of January 3rd that left four protesters dead after police opened fire on a crowd of protesters, the youth of Cambodia will continue to fight for change.
Akshan de Alwis is a senior at the Noble and Greenough School and writes on political change in Asia. He has partnered with youth groups in Burma on youth and civic participation projects.
Photo: Luc Forsyth (cc).
