Indeed, rather than succumb to the temptation of more oppression and resistance to change - a tortured path yet embraced by many of his fellow Arab rulers, Morocco’s young and energetic King Mohammed VI, 47, has chosen to be the region’s Outlier.
Following his ascent to the throne in 1999 upon the death of his father, King Hassan II, western observers questioned whether King Mohammed possessed the political skills and fortitude to adequately take over the reins of power from his far more autocratic father, King Hassan II. While his rule is barely a decade old and very much a work in progress, he is proving increasingly adept at maintaining a well-tuned ear to the ground of his kingdom.
Prior to ascending the throne when his father, King Hassan II died in 1999, Morocco’s Crown Prince confided in me that he not only valued the historical ties between the U.S. and Morocco, but was a great admirer of our founding fathers. He had carefully studied our Federalist Papers when he was a PhD student in France and had come to realize that monarchies could either change with the times and retain the peoples’ support, or ignore the wishes of the people over whom they rule at their peril.
As Shakespeare wrote in Henry IV: “Uneasy is the head that wears the crown,” since it wasn’t long after his 1999 enthronement that his country faced its gravest threat in decades. As a consistently reliable American ally against al Qaeda, Morocco was soon targeted by the terror organization after 9/11. On May 16, 2003 an Al Qaeda cell launched a coordinated assault on Casablanca killing 33 innocent civilians. Moroccans are patriots by nature given the long, unconquered history of their country, and the attack galvanized a wave of resentment and anger against al Qaeda and its sympathizers in Morocco.
In an early testament of his broader reform agenda, the King unveiled a remarkable and ingenious response to the attack. If al Qaeda’s terror was designed to cower him and his government and accelerate repression, he called al Qaeda’s bluff and, in a direct thrust at al Qaeda’s warped interpretation of Islamic law, he unveiled an unprecedented and far reaching reform of Morocco’s family civil code (Moudawana) giving women far more freedom that before.
Unnoticed abroad, but heralded in Morocco, the new law established Mohammed as an innovative and courageous reformer who would not succumb to Al Qaeda’s strategy of using its attacks to draw a wedge between Morocco’s rulers and their people.
When the Arab Spring ignited, it was merely a matter of time before it would wash ashore in Morocco. Indeed, in February, the Freedom and Democracy Movement (more popularly known as the “February 20 Movement”) emerged on the streets of Morocco’s cities seeking major reforms and an end to corruption. Up to 100,000 persons took to the streets in largely peaceful, but nevertheless emotional pro-democracy demonstrations. The palace was clearly rattled by the sweeping cries demanding change.
Many ask whether the King would have acted as quickly to unveil reforms but for the February 20th Movement and the ensuing demonstrations it provoked that brought so many Moroccans into the streets? Probably not. But remember, this is a king who is deftly balancing real change his nation can believe in against the Islamist enemies of change determined to thwart it.
So what did King Mohammed do? Rather than retreat from the change called for by the February 20th Movement, he fully embraced it gaining even more legitimacy as an agent of change in his country.
In a televised speech to his nation on March 1, King Mohammed promised that he would propose “comprehensive reforms” which would not only meet, but exceed the expectations of his people.
True to his word, on July 1, the King shepherded to lopsided approval a series of proposed constitutional amendments which imposed real restraints on his powers and devolved many of those powers to a prime minister duly appointed from a freely elected parliament’s majority. The new Moroccan parliament would enjoy the same powers as their western representative counterparts all incorporated into a U.S.-style bicameral legislature.
Although the King retained authority over the nation’s military, foreign policy, and religious affairs, the new prime minister would have overall responsibility for virtually the entire domestic affairs portfolio of Morocco - lock, stock, and barrel. He would have the authority to appoint ministers, senior civil servants, and control Morocco’s once notorious domestic security apparatus – truly a novel and evolutionary separation of powers.
Moreover, for good measure King Mohammed also yielded control over the nation’s judiciary – currently run by a palace-appointed Judicial Supreme Council - and ceded the power of judicial appointments to the prime minister, as well.
But what truly warrants commendation is the new constitution’s enshrinement of universal democratic values, including protection of minority rights, and the elevation of Morocco’s minority Berber languages to the same status enjoyed by Arabic. And as a result of the rights granted, women are accorded status and privilege unique throughout the Arab world, duly safeguarded by the new constitution’s provisions.
Taken together, will these reforms transform Morocco into a truly constitutional monarchy? Not yet. Although the reforms usher in an unprecedented separation of powers, the practical impact of these reforms will have to be measured by their fine print and their actual implementation – hurdles they have yet to even meet, much less overcome.
The rest of the Arab world should take notice of developments in Morocco. The Arab world is increasingly fractured into two camps – the reactionary forces fighting the Arab Spring (think of Libya, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and Syria) and countries such as Tunisia and Egypt struggling in their democratic transitions following revolutions. The Moroccan constitutional model could serve as exemplar for other Arab states struggling to balance stability and true democratic change, while according new freedoms to their populations. Whether in Bahrain – where the new Moroccan constitutional provisions could be plagiarized to create a new power-sharing arrangement between the majority Shiite and minority Sunni populations - to Libya, where the protection of tribal rights and liberties will greatly determine the future fate of Libya’s tortuous path to reform in a post-Gaddafi era.
Through their expression of confidence in King Mohammed’s reform agenda, the people of Morocco are creating a new, more vital and durable bond with their ruler. For the rest of the Middle East and North Africa, it would be tragic if it remained merely “the Moroccan exception.”
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The Moroccan Exception
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November 11, 2011
Indeed, rather than succumb to the temptation of more oppression and resistance to change - a tortured path yet embraced by many of his fellow Arab rulers, Morocco’s young and energetic King Mohammed VI, 47, has chosen to be the region’s Outlier.
Following his ascent to the throne in 1999 upon the death of his father, King Hassan II, western observers questioned whether King Mohammed possessed the political skills and fortitude to adequately take over the reins of power from his far more autocratic father, King Hassan II. While his rule is barely a decade old and very much a work in progress, he is proving increasingly adept at maintaining a well-tuned ear to the ground of his kingdom.
Prior to ascending the throne when his father, King Hassan II died in 1999, Morocco’s Crown Prince confided in me that he not only valued the historical ties between the U.S. and Morocco, but was a great admirer of our founding fathers. He had carefully studied our Federalist Papers when he was a PhD student in France and had come to realize that monarchies could either change with the times and retain the peoples’ support, or ignore the wishes of the people over whom they rule at their peril.
As Shakespeare wrote in Henry IV: “Uneasy is the head that wears the crown,” since it wasn’t long after his 1999 enthronement that his country faced its gravest threat in decades. As a consistently reliable American ally against al Qaeda, Morocco was soon targeted by the terror organization after 9/11. On May 16, 2003 an Al Qaeda cell launched a coordinated assault on Casablanca killing 33 innocent civilians. Moroccans are patriots by nature given the long, unconquered history of their country, and the attack galvanized a wave of resentment and anger against al Qaeda and its sympathizers in Morocco.
In an early testament of his broader reform agenda, the King unveiled a remarkable and ingenious response to the attack. If al Qaeda’s terror was designed to cower him and his government and accelerate repression, he called al Qaeda’s bluff and, in a direct thrust at al Qaeda’s warped interpretation of Islamic law, he unveiled an unprecedented and far reaching reform of Morocco’s family civil code (Moudawana) giving women far more freedom that before.
Unnoticed abroad, but heralded in Morocco, the new law established Mohammed as an innovative and courageous reformer who would not succumb to Al Qaeda’s strategy of using its attacks to draw a wedge between Morocco’s rulers and their people.
When the Arab Spring ignited, it was merely a matter of time before it would wash ashore in Morocco. Indeed, in February, the Freedom and Democracy Movement (more popularly known as the “February 20 Movement”) emerged on the streets of Morocco’s cities seeking major reforms and an end to corruption. Up to 100,000 persons took to the streets in largely peaceful, but nevertheless emotional pro-democracy demonstrations. The palace was clearly rattled by the sweeping cries demanding change.
Many ask whether the King would have acted as quickly to unveil reforms but for the February 20th Movement and the ensuing demonstrations it provoked that brought so many Moroccans into the streets? Probably not. But remember, this is a king who is deftly balancing real change his nation can believe in against the Islamist enemies of change determined to thwart it.
So what did King Mohammed do? Rather than retreat from the change called for by the February 20th Movement, he fully embraced it gaining even more legitimacy as an agent of change in his country.
In a televised speech to his nation on March 1, King Mohammed promised that he would propose “comprehensive reforms” which would not only meet, but exceed the expectations of his people.
True to his word, on July 1, the King shepherded to lopsided approval a series of proposed constitutional amendments which imposed real restraints on his powers and devolved many of those powers to a prime minister duly appointed from a freely elected parliament’s majority. The new Moroccan parliament would enjoy the same powers as their western representative counterparts all incorporated into a U.S.-style bicameral legislature.
Although the King retained authority over the nation’s military, foreign policy, and religious affairs, the new prime minister would have overall responsibility for virtually the entire domestic affairs portfolio of Morocco - lock, stock, and barrel. He would have the authority to appoint ministers, senior civil servants, and control Morocco’s once notorious domestic security apparatus – truly a novel and evolutionary separation of powers.
Moreover, for good measure King Mohammed also yielded control over the nation’s judiciary – currently run by a palace-appointed Judicial Supreme Council - and ceded the power of judicial appointments to the prime minister, as well.
But what truly warrants commendation is the new constitution’s enshrinement of universal democratic values, including protection of minority rights, and the elevation of Morocco’s minority Berber languages to the same status enjoyed by Arabic. And as a result of the rights granted, women are accorded status and privilege unique throughout the Arab world, duly safeguarded by the new constitution’s provisions.
Taken together, will these reforms transform Morocco into a truly constitutional monarchy? Not yet. Although the reforms usher in an unprecedented separation of powers, the practical impact of these reforms will have to be measured by their fine print and their actual implementation – hurdles they have yet to even meet, much less overcome.
The rest of the Arab world should take notice of developments in Morocco. The Arab world is increasingly fractured into two camps – the reactionary forces fighting the Arab Spring (think of Libya, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and Syria) and countries such as Tunisia and Egypt struggling in their democratic transitions following revolutions. The Moroccan constitutional model could serve as exemplar for other Arab states struggling to balance stability and true democratic change, while according new freedoms to their populations. Whether in Bahrain – where the new Moroccan constitutional provisions could be plagiarized to create a new power-sharing arrangement between the majority Shiite and minority Sunni populations - to Libya, where the protection of tribal rights and liberties will greatly determine the future fate of Libya’s tortuous path to reform in a post-Gaddafi era.
Through their expression of confidence in King Mohammed’s reform agenda, the people of Morocco are creating a new, more vital and durable bond with their ruler. For the rest of the Middle East and North Africa, it would be tragic if it remained merely “the Moroccan exception.”