Europe and Asia have never had the easiest of partnerships, but recently the European Union has been trying to enhance its ties with the continent via its own “Pivot to Asia.” Though distractions have somewhat diminished Europe’s high-profile engagement with Asia, the EU is making progress with its less visible diplomatic endeavors. They are not making headlines, but these efforts can only be beneficial for EU-Asia relations.
The “Pivot to Asia” was one of the most emphasized items on U.S. President Obama’s foreign policy agenda. Though commentators argue on how much the pivot has actually been sustained, it consisted mainly of troop redeployments to Australia, a naval presence in Singapore, and a redirection of diplomatic capital towards Asia. The EU’s pivot looks different. It would be impractical for Europe to attempt to match the United States with regards to military deployments in the Asia-Pacific. Rather, the EU pivot will involve a heavier reliance on diplomatic capital and economic engagement.
The EU’s redirection towards Asia began a few years ago, much like the U.S. pivot. In 2012, the EU’s minister for foreign policy, High Representative Catherine Ashton, released a joint statement with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, saying “interdependence between Asia, the United States and the European Union has reached unprecedented levels” and announcing that both sides “plan to intensify cooperation with Asia-Pacific partners to address regional and global challenges.” Continuing her Asian focus, Ashton attended the 2013 Shangri-La dialogue, a meeting of policy makers from across the Asia Pacific.
Recent events, however, conspired against the European redirection towards Asia. A devastating civil war broke out in Syria, and the European External Action Service devoted much of its effort towards addressing this crisis. Likewise, a Ukrainian civil war erupted on Europe’s doorstep, and Ashton has been one of the key players in formulating an international response to the ongoing conflict. The intensive focus on issues close to home would ultimately distract the EU from its foreign policy initiatives in Asia.
But Europe’s high profile interactions with Asia have been set against the backdrop of less publicized initiatives. In 2012 the European Parliament updated its guidelines on EU foreign policy in the Asia-Pacific. Its report set out major policy points such as support for a “rule based international system,” an approach clearly to rein in a rising but decidedly not-rule-based China. The report likewise clarified the EU’s support for deeper regional integration vis-à-vis ASEAN. Moreover, the parliament advised that the EU “extend its network of [free trade agreements] to other South-East Asian countries” (beyond Malaysia and Singapore, with whom the EU was already engaged with in such negotiations).
Likewise, the 20th annual EU-ASEAN ministerial meeting on July 23rd avoided the international spotlight, despite drawing together some of the most important policy makers of the region to meet with Ashton. The under-reported joint statement issued by the meeting illustrates how low-profile cooperation between the two regional bodies is on the rise. Overall EU aid will increase to three billion euros between 2014 to 2020. The report also pointed to cooperation in areas ranging from scientific collaboration and maritime security to human rights and the arms trade.
The vast majority of these partnerships remain out of the attention of the international media’s spotlight.
The meeting also showed that the EU-ASEAN partnership is strong enough to quickly respond to world crises. The ministerial meeting released a joint statement on the downing of Malaysian Air flight MH17, “expressing [the ministers’] shock and indignation over the tragic deaths of the 298 people” as well as “calling for a swift, full and thorough, transparent and independent international investigation into the downing.”
It seems that Europe’s “look east” has been divorced from the EU’s high profile diplomacy. However, ongoing efforts show that the EU’s diplomatic engagement with Asian-Pacific countries remains robust. Distractions are likely to plague EU-Asia relations for a while, but European foreign policy needs to focus on the small-scale engagements. As long as European diplomatic capital remains invested in the Asia-Pacific in this way, the EU will remain ready to pick back up right where it left off before Syria and the Ukraine.
Matthew Ribar is a Research Assistant at the Teaching, Research, and International Policy (T.R.I.P.) project and an undergraduate student in the William & Mary-University of St. Andrews Joint Degree Programme. He can be reached at mkribar@email.wm.edu.
Photo: European Union (cc).
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The EU's Quiet Engagement with Asia
August 27, 2014
Europe and Asia have never had the easiest of partnerships, but recently the European Union has been trying to enhance its ties with the continent via its own “Pivot to Asia.” Though distractions have somewhat diminished Europe’s high-profile engagement with Asia, the EU is making progress with its less visible diplomatic endeavors. They are not making headlines, but these efforts can only be beneficial for EU-Asia relations.
The “Pivot to Asia” was one of the most emphasized items on U.S. President Obama’s foreign policy agenda. Though commentators argue on how much the pivot has actually been sustained, it consisted mainly of troop redeployments to Australia, a naval presence in Singapore, and a redirection of diplomatic capital towards Asia. The EU’s pivot looks different. It would be impractical for Europe to attempt to match the United States with regards to military deployments in the Asia-Pacific. Rather, the EU pivot will involve a heavier reliance on diplomatic capital and economic engagement.
The EU’s redirection towards Asia began a few years ago, much like the U.S. pivot. In 2012, the EU’s minister for foreign policy, High Representative Catherine Ashton, released a joint statement with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, saying “interdependence between Asia, the United States and the European Union has reached unprecedented levels” and announcing that both sides “plan to intensify cooperation with Asia-Pacific partners to address regional and global challenges.” Continuing her Asian focus, Ashton attended the 2013 Shangri-La dialogue, a meeting of policy makers from across the Asia Pacific.
Recent events, however, conspired against the European redirection towards Asia. A devastating civil war broke out in Syria, and the European External Action Service devoted much of its effort towards addressing this crisis. Likewise, a Ukrainian civil war erupted on Europe’s doorstep, and Ashton has been one of the key players in formulating an international response to the ongoing conflict. The intensive focus on issues close to home would ultimately distract the EU from its foreign policy initiatives in Asia.
But Europe’s high profile interactions with Asia have been set against the backdrop of less publicized initiatives. In 2012 the European Parliament updated its guidelines on EU foreign policy in the Asia-Pacific. Its report set out major policy points such as support for a “rule based international system,” an approach clearly to rein in a rising but decidedly not-rule-based China. The report likewise clarified the EU’s support for deeper regional integration vis-à-vis ASEAN. Moreover, the parliament advised that the EU “extend its network of [free trade agreements] to other South-East Asian countries” (beyond Malaysia and Singapore, with whom the EU was already engaged with in such negotiations).
Likewise, the 20th annual EU-ASEAN ministerial meeting on July 23rd avoided the international spotlight, despite drawing together some of the most important policy makers of the region to meet with Ashton. The under-reported joint statement issued by the meeting illustrates how low-profile cooperation between the two regional bodies is on the rise. Overall EU aid will increase to three billion euros between 2014 to 2020. The report also pointed to cooperation in areas ranging from scientific collaboration and maritime security to human rights and the arms trade.
The vast majority of these partnerships remain out of the attention of the international media’s spotlight.
The meeting also showed that the EU-ASEAN partnership is strong enough to quickly respond to world crises. The ministerial meeting released a joint statement on the downing of Malaysian Air flight MH17, “expressing [the ministers’] shock and indignation over the tragic deaths of the 298 people” as well as “calling for a swift, full and thorough, transparent and independent international investigation into the downing.”
It seems that Europe’s “look east” has been divorced from the EU’s high profile diplomacy. However, ongoing efforts show that the EU’s diplomatic engagement with Asian-Pacific countries remains robust. Distractions are likely to plague EU-Asia relations for a while, but European foreign policy needs to focus on the small-scale engagements. As long as European diplomatic capital remains invested in the Asia-Pacific in this way, the EU will remain ready to pick back up right where it left off before Syria and the Ukraine.
Matthew Ribar is a Research Assistant at the Teaching, Research, and International Policy (T.R.I.P.) project and an undergraduate student in the William & Mary-University of St. Andrews Joint Degree Programme. He can be reached at mkribar@email.wm.edu.
Photo: European Union (cc).
