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n the aftermath of World War II, the Bretton–Woods institutions were created to prevent the world from plunging into another global conflict by promoting economic cooperation. The World Bank would help fund the reconstruction of war–torn Europe—and later promote global economic development—while the International Monetary Fund (IMF), along with the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT), would support trade and currency stability. While the system is not without its critics, it has largely been effective in supporting its goals. Global extreme poverty fell from 37.9% in 1990 to 9% in 2022. Likewise, since the end of World War II global trade has increased exponentially. 

However, the global economy has been rocked by crises and increasing instability. The 2008 Financial Crisis and the Covid–19 Pandemic exposed vulnerabilities in the globally interconnected economy and growing geopolitical tensions have created uncertainty in the market. More challenges loom on the horizon—from the impacts of climate change to declining commitment to democracy and increasing polarization. To address the global polycrisis will require financing, but as international financial institutions seek to fund solutions, they must be careful not to undermine their own credibility—or have it eroded—in an increasingly competitive world.

Geopolitical tensions are increasing across the globe and international financial institutions find themselves in a challenging predicament—how to continue their work while navigating growing rivalries and differing world views from member states. The growing rivalry between the United States and China, as well as concerns over a non–democratic bloc of nations supporting one another, create headwinds for the financial institutions. At the same time, calls to make their governance processes less Western–centric continue to grow. If perceptions of these organizations shift further toward them being viewed as elements of U.S. or Western foreign policy, rather than as tools for collective action, it will weaken their  recommendations and wither their ability to support development. National efforts to insert global financial institutions into geopolitical competition risk undermining their development objectives.

Promoting development and economic cooperation are critical for addressing the polycrisis and reducing the likelihood of global conflict. However, for the Bretton Woods Institutions to continue providing this role, they must make the necessary reforms to ensure broad support while avoiding the perception of picking sides. Their recommendations must not be viewed as part of the agenda of one bloc or another. These organizations are as important as ever, but will need steady and politically savvy leadership to navigate these geopolitical currents.

About
Adam Ratzlaff
:
Adam Ratzlaff is a correspondent for Diplomatic Courier focused on the Americas. In addition, he is a specialist and consultant in Inter–American affairs as well as a PhD candidate in International Relations at Florida International University.
The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.

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Strengthening international financial institutions in a competitive world

Mount Washington Resort, Bretton Woods, New Jersey. The site where the Bretton Woods conference was held and the Wold Bank and IMF were established. Image courtesy of Watts on Flickr. CC BY 2.0

October 22, 2024

The Bretton Woods institutions remain as important as ever, but require steady and savvy leadership to navigate geopolitically delicate times, writes Adam Ratzlaff.

I

n the aftermath of World War II, the Bretton–Woods institutions were created to prevent the world from plunging into another global conflict by promoting economic cooperation. The World Bank would help fund the reconstruction of war–torn Europe—and later promote global economic development—while the International Monetary Fund (IMF), along with the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT), would support trade and currency stability. While the system is not without its critics, it has largely been effective in supporting its goals. Global extreme poverty fell from 37.9% in 1990 to 9% in 2022. Likewise, since the end of World War II global trade has increased exponentially. 

However, the global economy has been rocked by crises and increasing instability. The 2008 Financial Crisis and the Covid–19 Pandemic exposed vulnerabilities in the globally interconnected economy and growing geopolitical tensions have created uncertainty in the market. More challenges loom on the horizon—from the impacts of climate change to declining commitment to democracy and increasing polarization. To address the global polycrisis will require financing, but as international financial institutions seek to fund solutions, they must be careful not to undermine their own credibility—or have it eroded—in an increasingly competitive world.

Geopolitical tensions are increasing across the globe and international financial institutions find themselves in a challenging predicament—how to continue their work while navigating growing rivalries and differing world views from member states. The growing rivalry between the United States and China, as well as concerns over a non–democratic bloc of nations supporting one another, create headwinds for the financial institutions. At the same time, calls to make their governance processes less Western–centric continue to grow. If perceptions of these organizations shift further toward them being viewed as elements of U.S. or Western foreign policy, rather than as tools for collective action, it will weaken their  recommendations and wither their ability to support development. National efforts to insert global financial institutions into geopolitical competition risk undermining their development objectives.

Promoting development and economic cooperation are critical for addressing the polycrisis and reducing the likelihood of global conflict. However, for the Bretton Woods Institutions to continue providing this role, they must make the necessary reforms to ensure broad support while avoiding the perception of picking sides. Their recommendations must not be viewed as part of the agenda of one bloc or another. These organizations are as important as ever, but will need steady and politically savvy leadership to navigate these geopolitical currents.

About
Adam Ratzlaff
:
Adam Ratzlaff is a correspondent for Diplomatic Courier focused on the Americas. In addition, he is a specialist and consultant in Inter–American affairs as well as a PhD candidate in International Relations at Florida International University.
The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.