In delaying proactive measures to upend entrepreneurial, political, and wage inequality, we postpone the equal representation of women in the formal sector, and, as a direct result, a more equitable society. These obstacles do not stand alone; rather, they are linked. Lopsided labor markets in which women are failing to meet their full economic potential is not only inefficient—it is stifling. Where there is a deeply demarcated gender gap in the workforce, there will also be a representational divide evident in politics and power.
Improving gender diversity in the workforce could substantially reduce the long-term consequences of gender inequity and dramatically shift the high concentration of women working in the services sector, evident even in OECD countries. Low-paying jobs, part-time positions, and lack of flexible time also perpetuate gender discrepancies. Policies that promote economic opportunities should embrace labor force incentives that recognize the need for empowering women. Women’s ascendancy in the workplace will call for more fair practices, including family friendly work arrangements and affordable child care.
Global trends in female labor force participation show that women remain underrepresented in the informal labor sector and are still overwhelmingly poor. A 2013 IMF study concludes that up to 27 percent of GDP per capita losses are a direct consequence of gender inequity in the workforce. Increasing the rate of women in the formal workforce could potentially raise the United States’ GDP by as much as 5 percent.
Half of the U.S. labor workforce is composed of women, and among those women, an emerging 40 percent are “breadwinner moms,” wherein they are the sole or primary provider for their family. Similar numbers for women’s political leadership could be a significant catalyst in reducing gender bias and pay discrimination. The Center for American Progress “The State of Women of Color in the United States” report finds that “women of color will make up 53 percent of our nation’s female population by 2050.” Female officeholders, particularly minority women, can more effectively reflect underserved stakeholders. Aiming for political parity must be fought with the same intensity as the women’s suffrage movement and as with the most recent equal pay crusade.
The United States ranks 84th globally on equal gender representation in legislative bodies. The factors driving this gap are not related to professional qualifications; in reality, electability for both women and men is similar for first-time runners. Yet, there is a “political ambition” gap: not enough qualified women are running for office. Reasons for this vary: women are discouraged from considering it as a long-term career path; they do not receive support from larger party institutions; they run into difficulties in fundraising. This results in the disproportionate representation evident in the U.S. Congress: 20 percent of the U.S. Senate and 17.8 percent of the U.S. House of Representatives in 2013 were women.
A daunting component of the U.S. electoral system is the expansive and expensive cost of political financing, which can be a substantial inhibitor and perhaps a dissuasive deciding factor against seeking candidacy. An editorial by Joan Sawe, Acting Secretary-General for International IDEA, promotes a targeted strategy that could encourage a larger pool of female candidates: “Public funding of election campaigns can also be used as a tool to promote gender equality, whether as an incentive or a penalty in relation to presenting women candidates for election.”
Tapping into the expansion of media coverage for women and making more public funds available could act as a motivating factor for more women to enter politics. In a 2013 survey, UN Women found that 80 percent of female respondents are intimidated based on lacking the accessibility to funds. Joan Sawe provides examples of enforcement mechanisms by the national government that appear to be contributing the desired outcome: “For example in Ireland, political parties are sanctioned with a 50 percent reduction in their public funding if they have less than 30 percent women candidates. In Haiti, parties with more than 30 percent female candidates will receive a doubling of public funding.” Offering incentives, along with some penalties, could be the successful combination necessary to see more women candidates and elected officials.
Another specific policy reform that can facilitate electoral equality is a gender quota. Latin America has made the appropriate investment to ensure that more women are elected, and it has become one of the leading regions in the world for most women elected for legislative seats, right behind Europe. A recent summary by the Americas Society/Council of the Americas points out that “a number of Latin American countries are preparing for congressional elections in 2014, and gender quotas will play a role in the number of women vying for legislative seats. In the region, 16 countries have quota systems for lawmakers, while one in four Latin American legislators are women.”
Passionate, capable leaders have been successful in overcoming difficult challenges to socioeconomic norms, but there is still work to do in rewriting the status quo. Some cultures and associations are still very much a “gentlemen’s club” only—as it woefully seems to be the case with NATO—but fortunately comfort zones are being tested. In the process, women have continued gaining access and accountability to places and people that were out of reach previously. Global development and economic mobility will undoubtedly benefit from influential change-makers that have the courage to implement a more egalitarian vision.
Javiera Alarcon received her MA in International Relations & Comparative Politics with a specialization in Latin American politics from the University of Maryland. She currently works with Councilmember Hans Riemer, Montgomery County At-Large and she was previously an Assistant Director for the College Park Scholars International Studies Program. Last summer, she interned at the Inter-American Dialogue’s Partnership for Educational Revitalization in the Americas (PREAL). She can be found on Twitter at @Javiera_Alarcon.
a global affairs media network
Looking Internationally to Improve Women’s Economic and Political Participation in the U.S.
July 4, 2014
In delaying proactive measures to upend entrepreneurial, political, and wage inequality, we postpone the equal representation of women in the formal sector, and, as a direct result, a more equitable society. These obstacles do not stand alone; rather, they are linked. Lopsided labor markets in which women are failing to meet their full economic potential is not only inefficient—it is stifling. Where there is a deeply demarcated gender gap in the workforce, there will also be a representational divide evident in politics and power.
Improving gender diversity in the workforce could substantially reduce the long-term consequences of gender inequity and dramatically shift the high concentration of women working in the services sector, evident even in OECD countries. Low-paying jobs, part-time positions, and lack of flexible time also perpetuate gender discrepancies. Policies that promote economic opportunities should embrace labor force incentives that recognize the need for empowering women. Women’s ascendancy in the workplace will call for more fair practices, including family friendly work arrangements and affordable child care.
Global trends in female labor force participation show that women remain underrepresented in the informal labor sector and are still overwhelmingly poor. A 2013 IMF study concludes that up to 27 percent of GDP per capita losses are a direct consequence of gender inequity in the workforce. Increasing the rate of women in the formal workforce could potentially raise the United States’ GDP by as much as 5 percent.
Half of the U.S. labor workforce is composed of women, and among those women, an emerging 40 percent are “breadwinner moms,” wherein they are the sole or primary provider for their family. Similar numbers for women’s political leadership could be a significant catalyst in reducing gender bias and pay discrimination. The Center for American Progress “The State of Women of Color in the United States” report finds that “women of color will make up 53 percent of our nation’s female population by 2050.” Female officeholders, particularly minority women, can more effectively reflect underserved stakeholders. Aiming for political parity must be fought with the same intensity as the women’s suffrage movement and as with the most recent equal pay crusade.
The United States ranks 84th globally on equal gender representation in legislative bodies. The factors driving this gap are not related to professional qualifications; in reality, electability for both women and men is similar for first-time runners. Yet, there is a “political ambition” gap: not enough qualified women are running for office. Reasons for this vary: women are discouraged from considering it as a long-term career path; they do not receive support from larger party institutions; they run into difficulties in fundraising. This results in the disproportionate representation evident in the U.S. Congress: 20 percent of the U.S. Senate and 17.8 percent of the U.S. House of Representatives in 2013 were women.
A daunting component of the U.S. electoral system is the expansive and expensive cost of political financing, which can be a substantial inhibitor and perhaps a dissuasive deciding factor against seeking candidacy. An editorial by Joan Sawe, Acting Secretary-General for International IDEA, promotes a targeted strategy that could encourage a larger pool of female candidates: “Public funding of election campaigns can also be used as a tool to promote gender equality, whether as an incentive or a penalty in relation to presenting women candidates for election.”
Tapping into the expansion of media coverage for women and making more public funds available could act as a motivating factor for more women to enter politics. In a 2013 survey, UN Women found that 80 percent of female respondents are intimidated based on lacking the accessibility to funds. Joan Sawe provides examples of enforcement mechanisms by the national government that appear to be contributing the desired outcome: “For example in Ireland, political parties are sanctioned with a 50 percent reduction in their public funding if they have less than 30 percent women candidates. In Haiti, parties with more than 30 percent female candidates will receive a doubling of public funding.” Offering incentives, along with some penalties, could be the successful combination necessary to see more women candidates and elected officials.
Another specific policy reform that can facilitate electoral equality is a gender quota. Latin America has made the appropriate investment to ensure that more women are elected, and it has become one of the leading regions in the world for most women elected for legislative seats, right behind Europe. A recent summary by the Americas Society/Council of the Americas points out that “a number of Latin American countries are preparing for congressional elections in 2014, and gender quotas will play a role in the number of women vying for legislative seats. In the region, 16 countries have quota systems for lawmakers, while one in four Latin American legislators are women.”
Passionate, capable leaders have been successful in overcoming difficult challenges to socioeconomic norms, but there is still work to do in rewriting the status quo. Some cultures and associations are still very much a “gentlemen’s club” only—as it woefully seems to be the case with NATO—but fortunately comfort zones are being tested. In the process, women have continued gaining access and accountability to places and people that were out of reach previously. Global development and economic mobility will undoubtedly benefit from influential change-makers that have the courage to implement a more egalitarian vision.
Javiera Alarcon received her MA in International Relations & Comparative Politics with a specialization in Latin American politics from the University of Maryland. She currently works with Councilmember Hans Riemer, Montgomery County At-Large and she was previously an Assistant Director for the College Park Scholars International Studies Program. Last summer, she interned at the Inter-American Dialogue’s Partnership for Educational Revitalization in the Americas (PREAL). She can be found on Twitter at @Javiera_Alarcon.
