On January 17th, 2011, the anti-government and pro-democracy protests that have swept through the Middle East reared its head in Libya. At first, demonstrations were primarily organized in Libya’s eastern city of Benghazi; similarly to other Middle Eastern and North African countries, large-scale public demonstrations were extremely uncommon in Libya, but as protesters remained relatively unrestricted in Benghazi, Libyans in nearby cities were inclined to take to the streets and demand a more transparent government.
As protests spread, Libya’s autocratic leader, Colonel Muammar al-Ghaddafi, attempted to suppress demonstrations. Once again, similarly to other countries in the region that had experienced protests, Colonel Ghaddafi’s response was not satisfactory to the crowds and their demands quickly changed from increasing transparency and political rights to demanding Ghaddafi’s resignation. After three days of protests primarily in the eastern city of Benghazi, residents of Libya’s capitol, Tripoli, mustered the courage to take to the streets and demand Gaddafi’s resignation on February 20th. Gaddafi immediately met this new round of protests with violence.
Libya is very different than Tunisia, Egypt, and even Yemen and Bahrain for a variety of reasons. Although economic, social, and political rights were equally violated or not upheld in Libya, the country’s history and diplomatic relations are far different than many other protesting countries in the region. Ghaddafi’s response has also been drastically different than other leaders; while violence did occur in Egypt and is ongoing in Yemen and Bahrain; the level of state sponsored violence in Libya has been escalated far beyond its contemporaries.
While reports have been quickly emanating from Libya, verifying many of these reports presents a massive dilemma; Libya is a virtual black hole for international media. For years, the country has banned international media within its borders. As of February 22nd, 2011, a team of international reporters were to be let into the country to document the lack of violence and discredit the reports. An upper class section of Tripoli’s suburbs has been quartered off and the international media are to be allowed to visit that area and report.
Additionally, Libya’s political scene is far more dynamic and dysfunctional than many other protesting Muslim countries. Since Ghaddafi’s assumption of power, a majority of political parties have been outlawed and imprisoned. One such political organization is the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG), although this group’s leaders have largely been imprisoned or exiled, it has attempted to overthrow Colonel Gaddafi several times since its creation in 1995.
Ghaddafi’s crackdown on the LIFG has been widely supported by the international community because the group was closely associated with Osama bin Laden and was an affiliate of al-Qaeda, but in 2009, leaders both in Libya and the United Kingdom released a document challenging bin Laden’s practice of jihad. To make the situation even more complicated, one of Ghaddafi’s sons, Saif al Islam al Ghaddafi, played an instrumental role in negotiating and mediating between LIFG factions in jail, exiled and living in the public realm. Saif al Ghaddafi undertook such a task because at the time he was the heir apparent to his father, something his younger brother Moatassem-Billah Ghaddafi has long been jealous of and opposed to. On February 21st, in an attempt to appease protesters, Saif al Ghaddafi spoke to the protesters, his speech was met with much ridicule and increased demonstrations, much to the joy of Moatassem al Ghaddafi.
In Egypt and Tunisia, the army played a crucial role in overthrowing the reigning government and maintaining relative peace. Reports from Libya suggest that the Libyan military is acting in the exact opposite manner. Witnesses in Libya who have been able to contact international media outlets claim that not only has the Libyan military opened fire on protesters, but that military fighter jets and helicopters have been deployed over Tripoli shooting protesters and dropping bombs. Aside from the Libyan military, Ghaddafi has long recruited foreigner mercenaries from Africa and his recruitment has come to fruition. Hired mercenaries have been wandering the streets of Tripoli firing at anyone on the streets. Residents have barricaded themselves indoors and are increasingly fearful to take to the streets.
The conflict is of great importance to the world, especially Europe. Libya is a leading exporter of oil and natural gas to Europe, especially southern countries such as Italy. Oil workers have already been evacuated from the country and as the violence escalates, it is all too likely to assume, that oil and natural gas production will further be delayed or abandoned. Fears over the impact on natural resources production and exportation have already caused crude oil prices to increase. If Europe must look elsewhere for crude oil, competition will arise among countries and world oil prices will increases adding great insecurity to the already shaky global economic recovery.
Colonel Gaddafi has added an extra little twist to the complicated situation in Libya. On February 22nd, he announced that he cannot resign as Libya’s President because he is in fact not the President. He considers himself the Revolutionary Safeguard of the country because he was a leader in the 1979 revolution; therefore, he claims an inability to leave office because he is preventing a violent revolution from occurring.
Libya’s protests may prove to be the watershed moment in the Middle East protests; instead of achieving political transition peacefully, Libya may rapidly spiral into a violent conflict–essentially a civil war. The violence undertaken by the Libyan military, the feud between Ghaddafi’s sons over succession, the oil and natural gas resources and reserves, presence of foreign mercenaries, and Ghaddafi’s latest claim that he is not in fact the President, but a revolutionary safeguard all suggest that Libya will follow a much different, more violent, and longer path to democratic transition.
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Libya: A Watershed for Pro-Democracy Protests in MENA
February 23, 2011
On January 17th, 2011, the anti-government and pro-democracy protests that have swept through the Middle East reared its head in Libya. At first, demonstrations were primarily organized in Libya’s eastern city of Benghazi; similarly to other Middle Eastern and North African countries, large-scale public demonstrations were extremely uncommon in Libya, but as protesters remained relatively unrestricted in Benghazi, Libyans in nearby cities were inclined to take to the streets and demand a more transparent government.
As protests spread, Libya’s autocratic leader, Colonel Muammar al-Ghaddafi, attempted to suppress demonstrations. Once again, similarly to other countries in the region that had experienced protests, Colonel Ghaddafi’s response was not satisfactory to the crowds and their demands quickly changed from increasing transparency and political rights to demanding Ghaddafi’s resignation. After three days of protests primarily in the eastern city of Benghazi, residents of Libya’s capitol, Tripoli, mustered the courage to take to the streets and demand Gaddafi’s resignation on February 20th. Gaddafi immediately met this new round of protests with violence.
Libya is very different than Tunisia, Egypt, and even Yemen and Bahrain for a variety of reasons. Although economic, social, and political rights were equally violated or not upheld in Libya, the country’s history and diplomatic relations are far different than many other protesting countries in the region. Ghaddafi’s response has also been drastically different than other leaders; while violence did occur in Egypt and is ongoing in Yemen and Bahrain; the level of state sponsored violence in Libya has been escalated far beyond its contemporaries.
While reports have been quickly emanating from Libya, verifying many of these reports presents a massive dilemma; Libya is a virtual black hole for international media. For years, the country has banned international media within its borders. As of February 22nd, 2011, a team of international reporters were to be let into the country to document the lack of violence and discredit the reports. An upper class section of Tripoli’s suburbs has been quartered off and the international media are to be allowed to visit that area and report.
Additionally, Libya’s political scene is far more dynamic and dysfunctional than many other protesting Muslim countries. Since Ghaddafi’s assumption of power, a majority of political parties have been outlawed and imprisoned. One such political organization is the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG), although this group’s leaders have largely been imprisoned or exiled, it has attempted to overthrow Colonel Gaddafi several times since its creation in 1995.
Ghaddafi’s crackdown on the LIFG has been widely supported by the international community because the group was closely associated with Osama bin Laden and was an affiliate of al-Qaeda, but in 2009, leaders both in Libya and the United Kingdom released a document challenging bin Laden’s practice of jihad. To make the situation even more complicated, one of Ghaddafi’s sons, Saif al Islam al Ghaddafi, played an instrumental role in negotiating and mediating between LIFG factions in jail, exiled and living in the public realm. Saif al Ghaddafi undertook such a task because at the time he was the heir apparent to his father, something his younger brother Moatassem-Billah Ghaddafi has long been jealous of and opposed to. On February 21st, in an attempt to appease protesters, Saif al Ghaddafi spoke to the protesters, his speech was met with much ridicule and increased demonstrations, much to the joy of Moatassem al Ghaddafi.
In Egypt and Tunisia, the army played a crucial role in overthrowing the reigning government and maintaining relative peace. Reports from Libya suggest that the Libyan military is acting in the exact opposite manner. Witnesses in Libya who have been able to contact international media outlets claim that not only has the Libyan military opened fire on protesters, but that military fighter jets and helicopters have been deployed over Tripoli shooting protesters and dropping bombs. Aside from the Libyan military, Ghaddafi has long recruited foreigner mercenaries from Africa and his recruitment has come to fruition. Hired mercenaries have been wandering the streets of Tripoli firing at anyone on the streets. Residents have barricaded themselves indoors and are increasingly fearful to take to the streets.
The conflict is of great importance to the world, especially Europe. Libya is a leading exporter of oil and natural gas to Europe, especially southern countries such as Italy. Oil workers have already been evacuated from the country and as the violence escalates, it is all too likely to assume, that oil and natural gas production will further be delayed or abandoned. Fears over the impact on natural resources production and exportation have already caused crude oil prices to increase. If Europe must look elsewhere for crude oil, competition will arise among countries and world oil prices will increases adding great insecurity to the already shaky global economic recovery.
Colonel Gaddafi has added an extra little twist to the complicated situation in Libya. On February 22nd, he announced that he cannot resign as Libya’s President because he is in fact not the President. He considers himself the Revolutionary Safeguard of the country because he was a leader in the 1979 revolution; therefore, he claims an inability to leave office because he is preventing a violent revolution from occurring.
Libya’s protests may prove to be the watershed moment in the Middle East protests; instead of achieving political transition peacefully, Libya may rapidly spiral into a violent conflict–essentially a civil war. The violence undertaken by the Libyan military, the feud between Ghaddafi’s sons over succession, the oil and natural gas resources and reserves, presence of foreign mercenaries, and Ghaddafi’s latest claim that he is not in fact the President, but a revolutionary safeguard all suggest that Libya will follow a much different, more violent, and longer path to democratic transition.