n May 2022, Gerald Tinashe Tavengwa returned to his Gokwe, Zimbabwe home to find it vandalized for the second time in under a year. It was hooligans from Zimbabwe’s ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National Union–People’s Front (Zanu-PF). They smashed every one of his windows, a hint at what would have happened had he been home. “I reported the matter to the police, but they said that with political matters, their hands were tied. At this point, I was left with no option but to leave,” Tavengwa told Diplomatic Courier.
Tavengwa’s troubles began in 2019 when he joined the Amalgamated Rural Teachers Union of Zimbabwe’s (ARTUZ) protest to raise teachers’ salaries. As ARTUZ’s National Secretary for Education and Research, Tavengwa claims to have persuaded nearly five hundred teachers to join the union. In October of that year, Zanu-PF Officials came to his school. “They said I was supporting regime change in Zimbabwe and that if I didn’t leave the school premises they would kill me.” Tavengwa asked to be transferred to a new school district but his request was denied. He continued to work, missing occasional days when he felt unsafe. When he officially left home in 2022, he wrote to his school district explaining his security concerns. Five months later, the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education charged Tavengwa for missing school without due cause. Tavengwa is still unemployed.
5 Million Votes—Zanu-PF’s Unlikely Election Goal
President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa took office in 2017, claiming to usher in a new era of democracy and economic recovery. His predecessor, Robert Mugabe, had held office for thirty-seven years. With a spiraling economy and political corruption in his wake, Zimbabweans wanted a fresh start.
But Zimbabwe’s economy is still mired in inflation, unstable exchange rates, and poorly allocated resources. Mnangagwa de-dollarized Zimbabwe and implemented austerity measures in 2018. The government’s catch phrase, “austerity for prosperity,” was met with skepticism and has yet to yield benefits for the country. The government has since changed its policies, but inflation remains high and economic activity further slowed in 2022.
Mnangagwa has eschewed democratic politics, too. While Zimbabwe prepares for a presidential election sometime between June and August of 2023, the government has cracked down on political opposition. Zanu-PF has articulated its goal to receive five million votes. With roughly six million registered voters and Mnangagwa’s narrow win in 2018, this is a tall order.
“You Cannot Survive on Your Salary Alone”
Teachers—and civil servants more broadly—are particularly vulnerable to the economic situation. Farai Murehwa [name changed for his safety], a political economist in Harare, explained that teaching was a highly skilled and middle class job in the ‘80s and ‘90s. Since 2000 however, teachers’ salaries have failed to keep up with inflation.
He shared his own financial experience. “I’m a professor at the University of Zimbabwe, and my salary is around $350 per month. To rent a house with three rooms in a safe neighborhood of Harare is roughly $400 a month. That is to rent. And on top of that cost, you need money to go to work, to buy food, to pay school fees for kids, and to pay electric and water bills. You cannot survive on your salary alone.”
Some professors make additional money through paid research opportunities, but many professors and teachers must do work that is unrelated to education. Running an informal business—such as street vending—is timely and pulls teachers away from research opportunities and their students, he explained.
In rural areas, teachers are paid less and face additional barriers. Tinotendaishe Chidakwa, ARTUZ’s Vice Chairperson for Bulawayo Province, explained how rural teachers struggle to pay expenses on time. “Financial sectors are found mostly in towns, so when teachers are paid, they have to travel up to 200 kilometers to get to a bank to withdraw their funds. Banks operate from Monday to Friday, and until 11:30 a.m. on Saturdays. It's very difficult to take time off, and making it to a bank before 11:30 is difficult when teachers have to travel so far. Not to mention, travel is an expense in itself,” he said.
Diplomatic Courier spoke with a number of trained teachers that left the education sector because they could not make ends meet. Others continue to look for employment both inside and outside of the country, despite Zimbabwe’s teacher shortage.
The Politicization of Teachers in Zimbabwe
According to the political economist Murewha, these dire economic circumstances fuel political tensions. “Because of their unionization for better pay and working conditions, teachers have been perceived as opposition supporters. They’ve been targeted, particularly in rural areas where Zanu-PF draws most of its support.”
There is merit to Zanu-PF’s anxieties. “Even doctors and nurses are not making $500. Civil servants in Zimbabwe are not getting peanuts, so I'd assume the vast majority of them—teachers included—don’t support Zanu-PF,” he added.
Teachers are not supposed to be outwardly political in Zimbabwe, and unions like ARTUZ do not publicly support any particular party. Ibbo Mandaza, a Zimbabwean academic who served in the National Liberation Movement and was a senior civil servant for the Zimbabwean government until 1990, spoke with passion about the politicization of teachers. “The rules are clear that civil servants and the military shouldn’t be political. When I worked in the government, we respected the nonpartisanship of civil servants. I punished those who were partisan or wore partisan regalia. But now our politics are sick. Our civil servants have been subverted,” he said.
Politics of Need
In the fall of 2022, there was a proliferation of “for ED” organizations. Teachers for ED, Lecturers for ED, Nurses for ED all claimed to be economic development groups yet the fact that ED are also the president’s initials did not go unnoticed.
“It's the first time we’ve had this,” Mandaza said. “We had youth and women’s leagues in the past, but these have waned into insignificance.” Nevertheless, Mandaza considers these groups “amusing stuff” and does not expect they will have political significance. “I heard the political commissar for Zanu-PF, Mike Bimha, complaining on the radio that these ‘for ED’ groups are problematic because they approach the government for loans.”
Murewha spoke about this dynamic. “Politics in Zimbabwe are driven by material need rather than principles,” he said. “Between 2000 and 2005, most people who supported Zanu-PF were given land and other gifts. Non-supporters received nothing. It's been twenty years, and I have nothing. All the while, supporters were improving their life and accumulating wealth. People are realizing this and switching sides.”
According to one source, teachers join Teachers for ED in the hopes that they will find employment. “The program aims to educate teachers on the history of the country and to make them patriotic. If you don’t do that, it's hard to get hired,” he said.
In the last month, Zimbabwean news outlets have reported that Zanu-PF is demanding school heads support the ruling party. Diplomatic Courier spoke with an unemployed teacher in Zimbabwe’s Murehwa district that attended a Teachers for ED conference in October, 2022. He forwarded a message from the organization, dated February 5, 2023. The message announced preparations for a National Convention which will allow teachers trained in workshops cleared by the Chitepo School of Ideology to “engage and listen to” Mnangagwa. The Chitepo School of Ideology was founded in 2016 to address a “deterioration of patriotism and understanding of the Zanu-PF ideology within its structures.”
The message reads, “each Province is expected to train 10,000 teachers by May 2023 who will be part of the delegation to Harare. Only those trained shall be given priority … Accreditation shall be a payslip to show you are in-service or membership card while Veteran Educationists and those awaiting can use Trs4ED card as well.”
Pre-Election Political Violence and Intimidation
National Director of the Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) Jestina Mukoko believes “teachers are being forced to form these outfits for ED.” “We are seeing something similar on the village level,” she said. Rural communities have been forced to attend “development” meetings. Village heads will claim the meeting will discuss development in the area; yet once villagers arrive, they are instructed to wear Zanu-PF regalia and told that if they don’t vote Zanu-PF, they will face consequences.
Though Mukoko noted that “state violence under Mnangagwa has become more brazen” with the government shooting unarmed citizens in broad daylight, Mukoko does not define violence solely as physical assaults. Threats of violence are equally traumatic, and bribes equally persuasive.
ZPP monitors human rights violations in Zimbabwe. This year, pre-election violence has escalated more quickly and is more structured as compared to the 2018 presidential election. “Informal groups have always played a role in the violence before our elections, but this time around there seems to be some centralized force giving instructions. Two communities that are 500 kilometers apart will experience similar things. Based on what we’ve heard in these communities, it seems to be Zanu-PF,” Mukoko said.
Editors’ Note: After sending questions to Zanu PF’s Political Commissar Mike Bimha and Teachers for ED’s National Coordinator Besearch Matseketsa about the politicization of teachers, both parties declined to comment. Diplomatic Courier also reached out to the Ministry for Primary and Secondary Education; the Ministry for Information, Publicity and Broadcasting; and senior Zanu-PF official Richard Runyayaro Mahomva for interviews but received no responses.
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Hungry and Mobilized, Teachers Brave Zimbabwe’s Temper
March 20, 2023
Zimbabwe's economy is melting down with rampant inflation and poor governance-and the country's teachers are among those hardest hit. Most teachers are unable to survive on their salaries, but agitating for better pay is a dangerous proposition in the country, writes Millie Brigaud.
I
n May 2022, Gerald Tinashe Tavengwa returned to his Gokwe, Zimbabwe home to find it vandalized for the second time in under a year. It was hooligans from Zimbabwe’s ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National Union–People’s Front (Zanu-PF). They smashed every one of his windows, a hint at what would have happened had he been home. “I reported the matter to the police, but they said that with political matters, their hands were tied. At this point, I was left with no option but to leave,” Tavengwa told Diplomatic Courier.
Tavengwa’s troubles began in 2019 when he joined the Amalgamated Rural Teachers Union of Zimbabwe’s (ARTUZ) protest to raise teachers’ salaries. As ARTUZ’s National Secretary for Education and Research, Tavengwa claims to have persuaded nearly five hundred teachers to join the union. In October of that year, Zanu-PF Officials came to his school. “They said I was supporting regime change in Zimbabwe and that if I didn’t leave the school premises they would kill me.” Tavengwa asked to be transferred to a new school district but his request was denied. He continued to work, missing occasional days when he felt unsafe. When he officially left home in 2022, he wrote to his school district explaining his security concerns. Five months later, the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education charged Tavengwa for missing school without due cause. Tavengwa is still unemployed.
5 Million Votes—Zanu-PF’s Unlikely Election Goal
President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa took office in 2017, claiming to usher in a new era of democracy and economic recovery. His predecessor, Robert Mugabe, had held office for thirty-seven years. With a spiraling economy and political corruption in his wake, Zimbabweans wanted a fresh start.
But Zimbabwe’s economy is still mired in inflation, unstable exchange rates, and poorly allocated resources. Mnangagwa de-dollarized Zimbabwe and implemented austerity measures in 2018. The government’s catch phrase, “austerity for prosperity,” was met with skepticism and has yet to yield benefits for the country. The government has since changed its policies, but inflation remains high and economic activity further slowed in 2022.
Mnangagwa has eschewed democratic politics, too. While Zimbabwe prepares for a presidential election sometime between June and August of 2023, the government has cracked down on political opposition. Zanu-PF has articulated its goal to receive five million votes. With roughly six million registered voters and Mnangagwa’s narrow win in 2018, this is a tall order.
“You Cannot Survive on Your Salary Alone”
Teachers—and civil servants more broadly—are particularly vulnerable to the economic situation. Farai Murehwa [name changed for his safety], a political economist in Harare, explained that teaching was a highly skilled and middle class job in the ‘80s and ‘90s. Since 2000 however, teachers’ salaries have failed to keep up with inflation.
He shared his own financial experience. “I’m a professor at the University of Zimbabwe, and my salary is around $350 per month. To rent a house with three rooms in a safe neighborhood of Harare is roughly $400 a month. That is to rent. And on top of that cost, you need money to go to work, to buy food, to pay school fees for kids, and to pay electric and water bills. You cannot survive on your salary alone.”
Some professors make additional money through paid research opportunities, but many professors and teachers must do work that is unrelated to education. Running an informal business—such as street vending—is timely and pulls teachers away from research opportunities and their students, he explained.
In rural areas, teachers are paid less and face additional barriers. Tinotendaishe Chidakwa, ARTUZ’s Vice Chairperson for Bulawayo Province, explained how rural teachers struggle to pay expenses on time. “Financial sectors are found mostly in towns, so when teachers are paid, they have to travel up to 200 kilometers to get to a bank to withdraw their funds. Banks operate from Monday to Friday, and until 11:30 a.m. on Saturdays. It's very difficult to take time off, and making it to a bank before 11:30 is difficult when teachers have to travel so far. Not to mention, travel is an expense in itself,” he said.
Diplomatic Courier spoke with a number of trained teachers that left the education sector because they could not make ends meet. Others continue to look for employment both inside and outside of the country, despite Zimbabwe’s teacher shortage.
The Politicization of Teachers in Zimbabwe
According to the political economist Murewha, these dire economic circumstances fuel political tensions. “Because of their unionization for better pay and working conditions, teachers have been perceived as opposition supporters. They’ve been targeted, particularly in rural areas where Zanu-PF draws most of its support.”
There is merit to Zanu-PF’s anxieties. “Even doctors and nurses are not making $500. Civil servants in Zimbabwe are not getting peanuts, so I'd assume the vast majority of them—teachers included—don’t support Zanu-PF,” he added.
Teachers are not supposed to be outwardly political in Zimbabwe, and unions like ARTUZ do not publicly support any particular party. Ibbo Mandaza, a Zimbabwean academic who served in the National Liberation Movement and was a senior civil servant for the Zimbabwean government until 1990, spoke with passion about the politicization of teachers. “The rules are clear that civil servants and the military shouldn’t be political. When I worked in the government, we respected the nonpartisanship of civil servants. I punished those who were partisan or wore partisan regalia. But now our politics are sick. Our civil servants have been subverted,” he said.
Politics of Need
In the fall of 2022, there was a proliferation of “for ED” organizations. Teachers for ED, Lecturers for ED, Nurses for ED all claimed to be economic development groups yet the fact that ED are also the president’s initials did not go unnoticed.
“It's the first time we’ve had this,” Mandaza said. “We had youth and women’s leagues in the past, but these have waned into insignificance.” Nevertheless, Mandaza considers these groups “amusing stuff” and does not expect they will have political significance. “I heard the political commissar for Zanu-PF, Mike Bimha, complaining on the radio that these ‘for ED’ groups are problematic because they approach the government for loans.”
Murewha spoke about this dynamic. “Politics in Zimbabwe are driven by material need rather than principles,” he said. “Between 2000 and 2005, most people who supported Zanu-PF were given land and other gifts. Non-supporters received nothing. It's been twenty years, and I have nothing. All the while, supporters were improving their life and accumulating wealth. People are realizing this and switching sides.”
According to one source, teachers join Teachers for ED in the hopes that they will find employment. “The program aims to educate teachers on the history of the country and to make them patriotic. If you don’t do that, it's hard to get hired,” he said.
In the last month, Zimbabwean news outlets have reported that Zanu-PF is demanding school heads support the ruling party. Diplomatic Courier spoke with an unemployed teacher in Zimbabwe’s Murehwa district that attended a Teachers for ED conference in October, 2022. He forwarded a message from the organization, dated February 5, 2023. The message announced preparations for a National Convention which will allow teachers trained in workshops cleared by the Chitepo School of Ideology to “engage and listen to” Mnangagwa. The Chitepo School of Ideology was founded in 2016 to address a “deterioration of patriotism and understanding of the Zanu-PF ideology within its structures.”
The message reads, “each Province is expected to train 10,000 teachers by May 2023 who will be part of the delegation to Harare. Only those trained shall be given priority … Accreditation shall be a payslip to show you are in-service or membership card while Veteran Educationists and those awaiting can use Trs4ED card as well.”
Pre-Election Political Violence and Intimidation
National Director of the Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) Jestina Mukoko believes “teachers are being forced to form these outfits for ED.” “We are seeing something similar on the village level,” she said. Rural communities have been forced to attend “development” meetings. Village heads will claim the meeting will discuss development in the area; yet once villagers arrive, they are instructed to wear Zanu-PF regalia and told that if they don’t vote Zanu-PF, they will face consequences.
Though Mukoko noted that “state violence under Mnangagwa has become more brazen” with the government shooting unarmed citizens in broad daylight, Mukoko does not define violence solely as physical assaults. Threats of violence are equally traumatic, and bribes equally persuasive.
ZPP monitors human rights violations in Zimbabwe. This year, pre-election violence has escalated more quickly and is more structured as compared to the 2018 presidential election. “Informal groups have always played a role in the violence before our elections, but this time around there seems to be some centralized force giving instructions. Two communities that are 500 kilometers apart will experience similar things. Based on what we’ve heard in these communities, it seems to be Zanu-PF,” Mukoko said.
Editors’ Note: After sending questions to Zanu PF’s Political Commissar Mike Bimha and Teachers for ED’s National Coordinator Besearch Matseketsa about the politicization of teachers, both parties declined to comment. Diplomatic Courier also reached out to the Ministry for Primary and Secondary Education; the Ministry for Information, Publicity and Broadcasting; and senior Zanu-PF official Richard Runyayaro Mahomva for interviews but received no responses.
