.
Opinion polls ahead of Montenegro’s general election predicted a gloomy scenario for Milo Djukanovic, one where he would have found himself out of power for the first time in a quarter of a century. In the run up to the October 16th vote, Europe’s longest-serving leader has watched support for his Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) dwindle in favor of the main opposition force, the Democratic Front, a motley group of parties running on a common platform to oust Djukanovic.
However, once polls closed on Sunday and results starting flowing in, it became apparent that Djukanovic's Social Democratic Party (DPS) managed to cling to power once again, though this time only narrowly. While the DPS got the most votes, it failed to secure an outright majority, putting Djukanovic into what will be exceptionally tough negotiations with the DF. Making matters worse, the opposition rejects the election’s outcome, accusing Djukanovic of electoral fraud, voter intimidation and “the creation of an atmosphere of fear which directly influenced the election result."
Indeed, on election day the regulatory Agency for Electronic Communications and Postal Service ordered operators to block a number of messaging apps, like WhatsApp and Viber. Activists were appalled, comparing the media blackout to that experienced in Egypt during the Arab Spring or in Turkey. It wasn’t until 7:30pm, after the closing of the polling stations, that Viber started working again. Although international observers argued that the elections generally upheld fundamental freedoms, on Monday Montenegro’s Prosecutor’s Office confirmed that “hundreds of criminal complaints had been filed alleging electoral fraud and vote-buying in Sunday’s general election.”
The claims would indeed fall within the Djukanovic’s long history of misdeeds. Widely considered to be second only to Ukraine’s former President Viktor Yanukovych among world leaders when it comes to ruling over a state riddled with corruption, Djukanovic has a long history of crooked dealings and links to organised crime. Last year, the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) awarded him the dubious honor of being named 2015 Man of the Year in Organised Crime – and not without good reason.
The OCCRP - a network of media outlets, journalists and investigative centres - recognized Djukanovic for being the driving force behind a long list of corrupt activities that are not usually found on the resume of European presidents or prime ministers, past or present. Djukanovic has been accused of smuggling tobacco on a grand scale in collusion with Italian crime families, hiving off large chunks of public assets to members of his own family in crooked privatisation deals, and bankrolling and sheltering organised crime groups and notorious criminals. In 2013, a parliamentary inquiry was launched after leaked audio recordings from a DPS meeting revealed party officials promising jobs and financial advantages to supporters and donors. However, the prosecution ultimately ruled that no foul play had taken place.
Despite all of this, he has managed to serve as either President or Prime Minister of Montenegro for a generation, thanks in no small part to a compliant state media that has been instrumental in smearing activists and opponents who speak out against him. Although he has successfully dodged criminal prosecution - once by claiming diplomatic immunity in Italy - and has somehow avoided being slapped with serious international sanctions on account of his regime’s blatantly corrupt behavior, the Montenegrin electorate seems to have grown weary of the widespread self-serving dishonesty at the heart of its government at a time when the country’s economy is floundering.
Doubts over Montenegro’s much-anticipated accession to the EU - which is slated for 2020 at the earliest - also damaged Djukanovic in the polls. Despite the fact that his actions while in office have put serious obstacles in the path of the country when it comes to its bid to join the 28-nation bloc, Djukanovic has used his rhetorical pro-EU credentials as a means of taking hostage the Western-minded voting bloc.
Indeed, the irony of Djukanovic’s support for Montenegro’s membership of the EU and NATO could not be clearer. His failure to tackle rampant government corruption and high levels of organised crime in the country remain major barriers to Montenegro’s accession to the Union, indicating that the country’s chances of achieving full EU membership anytime soon continue to be slim. And despite signing the paperwork for NATO accession back in May, some have pointed to Montenegro’s lack of meaningful reforms and democratization as significant problems for its chances to move closer to Europe.
The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.
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Coalition Government Could Help Montenegro Clean Up Its Act
BUDVA MONTENEGRO - SEPTEMBER 17 2015: Top view of Old Town Budva Montenegro
October 22, 2016
Opinion polls ahead of Montenegro’s general election predicted a gloomy scenario for Milo Djukanovic, one where he would have found himself out of power for the first time in a quarter of a century. In the run up to the October 16th vote, Europe’s longest-serving leader has watched support for his Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) dwindle in favor of the main opposition force, the Democratic Front, a motley group of parties running on a common platform to oust Djukanovic.
However, once polls closed on Sunday and results starting flowing in, it became apparent that Djukanovic's Social Democratic Party (DPS) managed to cling to power once again, though this time only narrowly. While the DPS got the most votes, it failed to secure an outright majority, putting Djukanovic into what will be exceptionally tough negotiations with the DF. Making matters worse, the opposition rejects the election’s outcome, accusing Djukanovic of electoral fraud, voter intimidation and “the creation of an atmosphere of fear which directly influenced the election result."
Indeed, on election day the regulatory Agency for Electronic Communications and Postal Service ordered operators to block a number of messaging apps, like WhatsApp and Viber. Activists were appalled, comparing the media blackout to that experienced in Egypt during the Arab Spring or in Turkey. It wasn’t until 7:30pm, after the closing of the polling stations, that Viber started working again. Although international observers argued that the elections generally upheld fundamental freedoms, on Monday Montenegro’s Prosecutor’s Office confirmed that “hundreds of criminal complaints had been filed alleging electoral fraud and vote-buying in Sunday’s general election.”
The claims would indeed fall within the Djukanovic’s long history of misdeeds. Widely considered to be second only to Ukraine’s former President Viktor Yanukovych among world leaders when it comes to ruling over a state riddled with corruption, Djukanovic has a long history of crooked dealings and links to organised crime. Last year, the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) awarded him the dubious honor of being named 2015 Man of the Year in Organised Crime – and not without good reason.
The OCCRP - a network of media outlets, journalists and investigative centres - recognized Djukanovic for being the driving force behind a long list of corrupt activities that are not usually found on the resume of European presidents or prime ministers, past or present. Djukanovic has been accused of smuggling tobacco on a grand scale in collusion with Italian crime families, hiving off large chunks of public assets to members of his own family in crooked privatisation deals, and bankrolling and sheltering organised crime groups and notorious criminals. In 2013, a parliamentary inquiry was launched after leaked audio recordings from a DPS meeting revealed party officials promising jobs and financial advantages to supporters and donors. However, the prosecution ultimately ruled that no foul play had taken place.
Despite all of this, he has managed to serve as either President or Prime Minister of Montenegro for a generation, thanks in no small part to a compliant state media that has been instrumental in smearing activists and opponents who speak out against him. Although he has successfully dodged criminal prosecution - once by claiming diplomatic immunity in Italy - and has somehow avoided being slapped with serious international sanctions on account of his regime’s blatantly corrupt behavior, the Montenegrin electorate seems to have grown weary of the widespread self-serving dishonesty at the heart of its government at a time when the country’s economy is floundering.
Doubts over Montenegro’s much-anticipated accession to the EU - which is slated for 2020 at the earliest - also damaged Djukanovic in the polls. Despite the fact that his actions while in office have put serious obstacles in the path of the country when it comes to its bid to join the 28-nation bloc, Djukanovic has used his rhetorical pro-EU credentials as a means of taking hostage the Western-minded voting bloc.
Indeed, the irony of Djukanovic’s support for Montenegro’s membership of the EU and NATO could not be clearer. His failure to tackle rampant government corruption and high levels of organised crime in the country remain major barriers to Montenegro’s accession to the Union, indicating that the country’s chances of achieving full EU membership anytime soon continue to be slim. And despite signing the paperwork for NATO accession back in May, some have pointed to Montenegro’s lack of meaningful reforms and democratization as significant problems for its chances to move closer to Europe.
The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.
